THE  LIFE  OF 


LOUIS  ADOLPHE  THIERS 


FRANgOIS     Le  GOFF 

DOCTEUR-ES-LETTRES 

TRANSLATED   FROM    THE   UNPUBLISHED    MANUSCRIPT 
BY 

THEODORE    STANTON,    A.M. 


Patriam  dilexit,  veritatem  coluit. 


NEW    YORK 

G.    P     PUTNAM'S    SONS 

182  FIFTH  AVENUE 
1879 


Copyright  by  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1879. 


DEDICATION. 

To  M.  J.  BARTH^LEMY  ST.HILAIRE, 

Senator  and  Member  of  the  Institute. 

In  authorizing  me  to  place  your  name  at  the  head  of  this 

History  of  your  illiistrions  friend,  you  give  my  zvork  a  most 

valued  endorsement.     I  thank  you  for  this  in  my  own  name 

and  in  that  of  my  readers  in  the  great  American  Republic. 

No  testimony  of  confidence  and  esteem  could  honor  me  more, 

and  my  readers  could  not  have  a  better  guarantee  of  the 

spirit  of  justice  and  of  trtith,  zvhich  has  inspired  the  ivork 

now  offered  to  them  from  across  the  ocean. 

^  F.   LeG. 


252492 


TRANSLATOR'S    NOTE. 


My  own  part  in  the  preparation  of  this  volume  has  been 
more  than  that  of  Translator.  From  the  Author's  large 
mass  of  manuscript,  I  have  selected  and  arranged  these 
three  or  four  hundred  pages.  I  have,  either  by  clauses 
in  the  body  of  the  page  or  by  notes  at  the  bottom,  en- 
deavored to  explain  references  to  French  politics  and  cus- 
toms, and  to  fairly  identify  the  different  characters  men- 
tioned ;  and  I  trust  that  I  have,  through  the  data  thus 
given,  succeeded  in  making  the  narrative  sufficiently 
clear  and  complete.  I  have  also,  in  a  few  instances,  in- 
serted an  anecdote  or  letter,  and  added  a  paragraph  or 
two  that  I  thought  would  interest  the  American  public. 
The  opinions,  however,  expressed  in  this  book  belong  to 
the  Author. 

The  portrait  of  Thiers  in  this  volume  is  engraved  from 
an  eau-forte  of  the  celebrated  painting  of  Bonnat.  Thiers's 
Paris  hotel  is  from  a  photograph  made  for  this  work  by 
M.  Carjat,  one  of  the  best  Parisian  photographers.  The 
facsimile  of  Thiers's  handwriting  is  from  a  photograph 
also  by  M.  Carjat,  taken,  by  the  kind  permission  and  un- 
der the  obliging  direction  of  Mme.  Thiers,  from  the  orig- 
inal manuscript  of  Thiers's  famous  posthumous  letter  to 
his  constituents.  I  am  indebted  to  Chief-Justice  Geo. 
Shea,  of  the  Marine  Couft,  for  the  autograph  of  Thiers 

found  under  the  portrait. 

T.  S. 

Ithaca,  N.   Y. 

December,   1878. 


CONTENTS 

Early  Life ,        ,  r 

The  Revolution  of  July    ......  26 

Early  Years  of  the  July  Monarchy       ...  50 

Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot          .        ,        ,        .  92 

Republic  of  1848 138 

Thiers  and  the  Empire 161 

The  Revolution  of  September  4TH           .        .        .  189 

Thiers's  Presidency 203 

The  Fall  of  Thiers 244 

The  Hotel  of  the  Place  Saint-Georges        .        .  269 

The  Last  Days  of  Thiers 310 

Appendices 531 


AUTHOR'S      PREFACE, 


I  do  not  think  you  have  an  exact  idea  in  America  of 
France.  The  Atlantic  seems  to  hide  her  from  you  or  lets 
you  see  her  only  through  dense  mists.  The  illusion 
often  remains,  even  after  the  distance  that  separates  you 
from  her  has  been  passed  over.  Afar  off,  you  see  little 
or  you  see  badly ;  near  by,  the  brilliant  and  agitated  fore- 
ground alone  attracts  your  gaze  ;  you  do  not  see  the  back- 
ground, or  rather  the  delicate  blending  of  the  colors, 
which  is  as  important  for  an  exact  and  complete  under- 
standing of  a  picture  as  the  background  itself.  This 
phenomenon,  however,  is  easily  explained.  An  old 
society  which  aspires  to  a  loftier  life,  to  a  new  growth, 
which  is  struggling  to  throw  off  the  narrow  robe  of  the 
past,  does  not  resemble  a  young  society,  full-grown,  which 
cuts  out  for  itself  a  generous  garment  from  a  tissue 
woven  by  its  own  hands.  The  same  institutions  do  not 
breathe   the  same  spirit  there,  nor  have  words  the  same 


viii  Authors    Preface. 

signification,  and,  what  appears  not  less  strange,  the  same 
principles  do  not  produce  the  same  consequences.  The 
best  persons  are  liable,  therefore,  unless  on  their  guard, 
to  make  mistakes  concerning  men  as  well  as  things,  so 
that  good  intentions  and  impartial  judgment  are  not 
always  safe  guides. 

Perhaps  there  is  not  a  more  striking  example  of  this 
facility  of  delusion  concerning  France,  than  the  opinion 
of  Thiers,  expressed  by  Mr.  John  Bigelow  in  his  book 
entitled  France  and  Hereditary  MonarcJiy,  published  in 
1 87 1.  Party  spirit  has  rarely  brought  against  the  illustri- 
ous statesman,  even  in  his  own  country,  so  many  and  so 
grave  accusations.  Without  limiting  himself  to  those 
which  might  have  their  raison  d'etre  in  the  events  of  the 
day,  and  which  sprang,  as  it  were,  from  the  still  smoking 
ruins  of  Paris,  Mr.  Bigelow  has  been  pleased  to  go  back 
to  the  earliest  political  life  of  the  statesman  whom  he  has 
taken  to  task,  and  he  finds  there  almost  all  the  germs  of 
the  misfortunes  that  have  befallen  France  for  more  than 
twenty-five  years,  jf  tlie  last  of  the  Napoleons  under- 
took that  foolish  amj-tcrriblg  war  which  overthrew  his 
dynasty  and  mutilated  his  country,  it  is  the  fault  of 
Thiers.  If  Louis  Philippe  fell  from  the  throne  in  1848, 
It  is  likewise  the  fault  of  Thiers.  If  the  Empire  arose  in 
185 1  on  the  ruins  of  the  Republic,  it  is  again  the  fault  of 


Authors  Pi'cface.  ix 

Thiers,  who,  in  reviving  the  Napoleonic  legend,  restored 
the  adoration  of  Bonaparte  and  thus  prepared  a  name 
and  an  instrument  for  despotism.  Thiers,  according  to 
Mr.  Bigelow,  was  not  less  hurtful  during  the  latter  part  of 
his  life  than  during  this  early  period.  As  soon  as  he 
came  upon  the  scene  again,  near  the  end  of  the  second 
Empire,  he  is  the  auxiliary  of  the  ultramontanes  in  their 
anti-gallican  policy,  and  the  enemy  of  all  legislation  fav- 
orable to  the  emancipation  of  the  schools,  opening  them 
to  the  light  of  modern  thought  and  popular  influence  ; 
and,  finally,  placed  at  the  head  of  the  executive  power  by 
the  Assembly  at  Bordeaux  in  1871,  Thiers  was  justly 
suspected  of  preparing  the  return  of  the  Orleans  Mon- 
archy,  (Mr.  Bigelow's  words  are:  "  was  merely  warming 
the  bed  for  some  scion  of  the  House  of  Bourbon;  ")  of 
reviving  the  despotism  he  had  combated,  and  of  placing 
the  government  in  an  attitude  of  marked  hostility  towards 
the  governed.* 


•  France  and  Hereditary  Monarchy,  pp.  9  and  10. 

Pres^ident  White,  of  Cornell  University,  one  of  our  best  read  students  of 
P  rench  history,  has  about  the  same  opinion  as  Mr.  Bigelow  concerninjr 
Thiers.  If  we  may  judge  from  the  following  extracts  from  a  letter  to  the 
translator  of  this  volume  : 

"  Though  Mr.  Thiers'  life  has  been  very  interesting,  I  have  never  admired 
hmi  ,n  the  slightest  degree,  until  the  last  d.iys  of  his  career,  beginning  with  the 
close  of  the  Franco-German  struggle.  Before  that  time,  he  seemed  to  me  a 
curse  to  his  country  and  to  Europe  .  but  then  he  became  a  sublimely  encrcetic 

PW.'"T  •"  ^'/m  "'^  *  ,*,  *  To  him  more  than  any  other  man  in 
Prance  '^,due  asor  of  Mcphistophcban  deification  of  Kevohuion  on  the  one 
.he™,  h  1?'';'^""'  clespotism  on  the  other.  Yet.  he  did  more  to  heal 
the  wounds  he  had  done  so  much  to  cause,  than  any  other  man  could  do  " 


X  Author  s  Preface. 

If  Mr.  Bigelow  were  to  draw  up  his  act  of  accusation 
to-day,  he  would  no  doubt  revise  it  in  more  than  one  of 
its  articles.  Recent  events  have  thrown  a  light  on  cer- 
tain points  before  obscured,  which  render  all  illusion  of 
perspective  impossible,  and  brings  clearly  before  the 
most  inattentive  eyes  the  character  of  the  man  and  the 
unity  of  his  life.  There  cannot,  I  think,  remain  a  doubt 
concerning  the  unity  of  the  political  life  of  Thiers  after 
the  perusal  of  this  sketch.  I  have  followed  Thiers 
throughout  almost  all  of  his  career  with  keen  and  con- 
stant interest,  not  to  say  regard  ;  I  have  read  all  that  he 
has  written,  all  that  he  has  spoken  in  the  tribune  ;  I  have 
heard  him  deliver  most  of  his  great  speeches  for  the  last 
ten  years ;  I  knew  him  personally  and  I  am  acquainted 
with  many  of  his  friends.  To  this  knowledge  of  my  sub- 
ject, I  think  I  may  add  a  fair  share  of  impartiality. 

In  closing  this  preface,  I  would  remark,  that  in  spite  of 
the  great  interest  attached  to  the  public  life  of  a  man 
who,  occupied  during  more  than  a  half  century,  so  im- 
portant a  place  in  the  history  of  his  country,  who  played 
the  first  part  under  such  different  circumstances,  and  in 
such  various  situations,  it  is  not  so  much  Thiers  whom  I 
have  in  view  in  speaking  of  the  former  President  of  the 
French  Republic,  of  the  historian  of  the  Consulate  and 
Empire,   of   the  Ex-minister  of  Louis    Philippe,    as  the 


Authors   Preface.  xi 

country  and  the  epoch  in  which  his  long  life  was  passed. 
It  will  be  for  me  a  sort  of  pretext,  a  means,  the  best  per- 
haps, of  penetrating  into  the  intricacies  of  a  society  com- 
plicated of  itself,  rendered  more  perplexing  by  the  agita. 
tions  of  its  surface,  and  of  seizing  out  the  difficulties  of 
the  problems  there  being  discussed,  the  passions  and  in- 
terests which  there  dispute  for  empire.  All  of  these 
problems,  passions  and  interests  are  grouped  about 
Thiers,  and  form,  as  it  were,  his  retinue.  The  light  that 
he  emits  will  flash  upon  them  and  will  aid  us  to  see  clear- 
ly into  this  "  visible  darkness." 

Francois  LeGoff, 
July  1878.  44    rue  Monge,  Paris. 


LOUIS   ADOLPH  THIERS. 


CHAPTER  I. 
EARLY    LIFE.  — 1797-1829. 

Thiers  was  born  at  Marseilles  on  the  morning  of  April 
I  !;th.  1797,  at  ten  minutes  past  two,  in  his  grandmother's 
house,  number  15  rue  des  Petits-Peres.  The  house  to-day 
bears  the  number  40  *  His  mother's  name  was  Marie 
Madeleine  Amic  ■  his  father's,  Pierre  Louis  Marie  Thiers. 
He  was  baptized  Marie  Joseph  Louis  Adolphe,  the  first 
two  names  in  honor  of  the  poeT^Marie  Joseph  Chenier, 
who  was  his  second  cousin,  Thiers's  grandmother  on 
his  mother's  side  being  the  sister  of  the  mother  of  the 
Cheniers. 

The  physician  who  was  present  at  the  birth  of  Thiers 
pronounced  the  child  "  turbulent  and  very  viable,"  f  char- 
acteristics that  were  seen  in  the  whole  after  life  of  the 
man,  who  was  one  of  the  most  active  spirits  of  his  time, 
whose  remarkable  vitality  carried  him  through  four  polit- 
ical revolutions,  supported  him  in  the  midst  of  immense 
literary  labors,  and  only  failed  him  after  he  had  passed 
the  advanced  age  of  four  score  years. 

'  See  Appendix  A  for  the  Registry  of  Birth. 

+  See  Appendix  B  for  the  curious  note  found  in  the  diary  of  this  phy- 


2  Life  of  Thiers, 

On  his  mother's  side,  Thiers  was  of  eastern  origin. 
His  grandfather  was  a  merchant  of  Marseilles,  but  his 
grandmother,  named  Santi-Lomaica,  was  a  Greek.  They 
were  as  familiar  with  the  Greek  language  as  with  the 
Proven9al;  were  courageous,  impressionable,  quick  to 
anger  and  not  less  prompt  to  reconciliation.  They  were 
strongly  attached  to  royalty.  The  father  of  Thiers,  on 
the  contrary,  was  a  friend  of  the  Revolution  and  had 
even  played  a  part  in  it  as  a  member  of  the  Commit- 
tee of  Public  Safety  at  Marseilles.  When  the  reaction 
against  the  Terrorists  set  in,*  fearing  for  his  safety,  he 
was  introduced  into  the  Amic  family  by  a  common 
friend — an  Italian  lady,  who  lived  at  Chateau-Gombert, 
a  little  spot  in  the  environs  of  Marseilles,— where  he  was 
sure  his  enemies  would  not  follow  him.  Mile.  Amic  fell 
in  love  with  the  guest  of  her  father,  touched  by  his  mis- 
fortunes, dazzled,  doubtless,  also  by  the  brilliancy  of  his 
mind,  the  distinction  of  his  manners;  and,  in  spite  of  his 
poverty,  his  widowhood,  his  family  embarrassments  —he 
had  some  children — in  spite  of  his  revolutionary  opin- 
ions which  she  detested,  Mile.  Amic  decided  to  marry 
him.  She  was  a  beautiful  girl,  of  a  lively  imagination 
of  ready  and  highly-colored  conversational  powers,  like 
all  the  children  of  Marseilles,  and  of  an  energetic  and 
decided  character. 

It  is  customary  to-day  to  endeavor  to  find  in  the  gen- 

*  Robespierre,  the  soul  of  the  Reign  of  Terror,  was  guillotined  on  July 
27th,  1794, — the  gth  Themaidor  —  and  the  Directory  then  came  into  power 
with  milder  measures. 


Early  Life.  3 

ealogy  of  celebrated  men  the  precursory  signs,  the  psy- 
chologic seeds  of  their  future  growth  and  genius.  Ata- 
vism has  become  one  of  the  factors  of  history.  Thiers 
was  not  repugnant  to  this  doctrine,  perhaps  because  he 
knew  his  own  pedigree.  What  we  have  just  said  con- 
cerning his  mother's  family  does  not  contradict  the  in- 
fluence of  origin,  nor  does  that  which  is  known  and 
which  he  was  accustomed  to  tell  voluntarily  concerning 
his  father  and  his  father's  ancestors. 

The  paternal  family  of  Thiers,  which  belonged  to  that 
ancient  bourgeoisie  of  Marseilles  that  from  1560  to  1775 
exercised  in  that  city  an  almost  absolute  power,  presents, 
in  the  course  of  three  generations,  some  singular  and  not 
mediocre  types.  His  great-grandfather,  a  rich  merchant, 
talented,  loving  society  and  good  eating,  giving  grand  din- 
ners, was  finally  ruined  in  speculations  with  the  French 
colonies  and  died  at  the  age  of  ninety-seven.  His  grand- 
father was  appointed  archivist  of  Marseilles  by  a  decree 
of  Louis  XV,  dated  at  Versailles,  September  i6th,  1770, 
in  which,  referring  to  the  three  candidates  presented  by 
the  Municipal  Council  of  Marseilles  to  fill  the  vacancy, 
the  royal  document  reads:  "His  Majesty  considers  all 
three  of  them  worthy,  yet,  being  well  informed  of  the 
fidelity  and  affection  for  his  service  of  M.  Charles  Thiers, 
advocate  at  the  Parliament  of  Aix,  His  Majesty  desig- 
nates him  to  exercise  the  functions  of  the  ofifice."  He 
also  wrote  an  able  history  of  Provence,  was  a  sturdy  rov- 
alist,  and  died   in  his  ninety-fifth  year,  pursued  by  the 


4  Life  of  Thiers.  [1807-9. 

wrath  of  his  republican  enemies.  The  father  of  Thiers 
did  not  hold  to  the  monarchical  beliefs  of  his  ancestors, 
nor  does  he  appear  to  have  led  as  upright  a  life.  His 
father  left  him  about  ten  thousand  dollars  —  not  a  small 
fortune  in  those  days  —  which  he  quickly  wasted  in  wild 
speculations  and  in  dissipations  of  the  worst  kind.*  The 
father  of  Thiers  would  be  called  in  the  parlance  of  to-day 
a  "fast"  man.  He  was  a  wandering  and  original  charac- 
ter, a  great  lover  of  novelties  and  adventures,  a  grand 
builder  of  air-castles,  by  turns  merchant,  theatrical  man- 
ager, director  of  a  gambling  house,  knowing  everything, 
talking  about  everything,  never  embarrassed  by  a  ques- 
tion, sometimes  rich,  oftener  poor,  but  never  losing  faith 
in  himself  or  despairing  of  the  future.  How  many  of 
these  characteristics  he  transmitted  to  his  son  !  Good 
sense,  however,  he  seemed  to  lack,  a  quality  that  the 
son,  fortunately  for  his  success,  possessed  in  a  large 
degree. 

Thters's  first  years  were  spent  either  at  Marseilles  or  in 
short  visits  to  little  towns  in  the  environs  of  the  city.  As 
he  advanced  in  years  his  physical  development  was  slow- 
er than  his  mental.  When  he  was  seven  years  old  he  had 
the  stature  and  the  features  of  a  child  of  four  or  five.  At 
this  period  he  was  sent  to  a  school  where  he  acquired  the 
principles  of  the  French  and  Latin  languages,  and  at  nine 
he  became  a  day  scholar  at  the  Marseilles  Lyc^e.f 

*  Adolphe  Thiers,  by  Achille  Gastaldy,  page  17. 

f  A  Lycee  in  France  is  the  State  school  that  prepares  for  the  University  i 
it  partakes  of  the  nature  both  of  our  college  and  high  school. 


^T.  8-12.]  Early  Life.  5 

The  school  bills  were  paid  by  one  of  Thiers's  aunts  and 
by  a  cousin,  the  latter  being  the  wife  of  a  rich  Marseilles 
merchant.  Three  years  later,  as  the  result  of  a  competitive 
examination,  he  gained  one  of  the  scholarships  at  the 
Lycee.     This  was  in  1809,  at  the  age  of  twelve. 

The  delighted  mother,  too  poor  to  educate  her  son  and 
sensitive  at  his  dependence  on  his  relations,  writes  to  the 
Mayor  of  Marseilles  the  following  letter,  which  has  re- 
cently been  discovered  among  the  archives  of  that  city. 

Mr    Mayor  ; 

Accept  my  thanks  for  the  attention  you  have 
shown  me  in  informing  me  of  the  admission  of  my  son  to  the 
Lycee  ot  this  city,  by  the  letter  with  which  you  honored  me, 
the  fourth  of  this  month  ;  he  will  try  to  make  himself  worthy  of 
the  favor,  by  his  application  and  exactness,  and  thus  merit  in 
some  degree  the  esteem  of  his  superiors  and  of  the  head  of  the 
University  ;  yours  also,  sir,  will  be  very  flattering. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  respectful  consideration,  sir, 
your  very  humble  servant, 

Thiers  nee  Amic. 

His  collegiate  career  did  not  fail  to  respond  to  the  high 
hopes  expressed  in  this  letter.  The  young  bursar  was 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  studious  scholars  of  the 
Lyc^e.  The  new  University*  while  remaining  classic, 
gave,  in  its  curriculum,  a  large  place  to  history,  geogra- 

*  Napoleon  I  by  the  decree  of  March.  17th  1808.  established  the  Univer- 
sity of  France  a  great  system  of  education  by  the  State,  embracing  Primary 
and  University  instriiclion,  which  still  exists  in  all  essential  particulars  as 
marked  out  by  its  founder.  "  University,"  therefore,  in  France,  means  the 
whole  system  of  public  education. 


6  Life  of  Thiers.  [1809.12. 

phy  and  the  mathematical  sciences.     Thiers  embraced  all 
with  equal  ardor  and  equal  success. 

Thiers  says  in  one  of  the  passages  of  his  Consulate  and 
Empire,  that  there  is  but  one  miracle  in  the  world,  good 
sense  seconded  by  determined  will.  He  attributes  aTT  the 
real  success  of  individuals  as  well  as  peoples  to  the  union 
of  these  two  poAvers.  This  truth  would  not  have  been  sug- 
gested to  him  by  the  study  of  history,  if  he  had  not 
found  it  in  his  own  mind  and  in  thehistory  of  his  own  life. 
There  are  few  self-made  men  who  have  risen  to  promi- 
nence,  in  whom  this  trait  is  more  distinctly  seen,  or  who 
grasped  its  meaning  at  an  earlier  hour.  Some  one  has  re- 
marked that  Thiers  was  inspired  by  it  even  in  his  college 
days,  and  that  ever  since  it  has  accompanied  him  like  a 
familar  spirit. 

Two  particular  influences,  besides  the  general  influences 
arising  from  study  itself  and  a  classical  education,  seem 
to  have  acted  strongly  on  Thiers's  mind  at  the  Lycee  and 
to  have  contributed  a  great  deal  towards  giving  it  a  cer- 
tain direction — that  of  one  of  his  professors,  M.  Maillet- 
Lacoste,  and  that  of  the  military  spirit  of  the  first  Empire, 
whose  victorious  bulletins,  read  aloud  in  the  class-rooms," 
in  the  dining  hall  and  in  the  lecture  rooms,  then  formed  a 
part  of  the  University  programme. 

Maillet-Lacoste,  a  graduate  of  the  Polytechnic  school, 
had  had  the  misfortune  to  write  against  the  Empire,  for 
which  reason  he  was  sent  in  disgrace  by  M.  de  Fontanes, 
grand-master  of  the  University,  to  teach  in  the  Lycee  of 


.tT.  12.15.]  Early  Life.  7 

Marseilles.  He  had  aspired  to  be  an  engineer,  but  was 
forced  to  be  a  college  professor.  A  man  of  refinement 
and  lofty  sentiments,  he  soon  gained  great  influence  over 
his  pupils.  Thiers  felt  himself  drawn  towards  him.  The 
young  professor  was  struck  by  the  intelligence  of  his 
pupil.  They  frequently  walked  and  conversed  together. 
History,  politics,  art,  all  topics  were  discussed  on  these 
occasions  and  discussed  on  an  elevated  plain.  Thiers 
never  forgot  this  early  teacher  and  ever  spoke  of  him 
with  respect. 

The  greater  part  of  the  students  of  the  Lyc^es  of  this 
period,  dazzled  by  the  glories  of  the  First  Empire,  had 
their  thoughts  turned  towards  a  military  career.  The 
young  bursar  of  Marseilles  did  not  escape  the  fascina 
tion,  and  we  can  imagine  the  future  historian  of  the  Con- 
sulate and  Empire,  dreaming  on  the  college  benches  of  a 
participation  in  that  military  glory  which  at  a  later  day 
he  was  to  celebrate.  In  fact,  Thiers  always  had  a  strong 
taste  for  military  affairs,  and  gave  considerable  thought 
to  questions  of  this  nature.  When  the  last  bill  concern 
ing  the  reorganization  of  the  French  army  was  being 
discussed  in  the  Assembly  a  few  years  ago,  a  witty  cari- 
caturist drew  a  sketch  of  Thiers  astride  a  drum.,  in  the 
uniform  of  an  enfant  dc  troupe'^  of  1832,  with  the  words 
"Old  Soldier"  written  under  the  picture.  The  artist's 
fancy  could  have  gone  back  farther  into  the  past,  and  he 
might  have  pictured  the  schoolboy,  in  the  midst  of  his 

*  An  enfant  iff  troupe  is  a  soldier's  son  brought  up  in  the  bai racks  at 
the  expense  of  the  Slate. 


8  Life  of  Thiers.  [1815. 

games,  dressed  in  the  uniform  of  a  piipille  de  la  garde* 
or  dreaming  in  a  corner  of  the  study-room  of  the  future 
battles  of  Marengo  or  Austerlitz,  and  of  the  laurels  that 
awaited  his  prowess.  But  at  the  moment  when  these 
dreams  might  have  become  realities,  a  new  order  of 
things  was  instituted  which  opened  another  career  to  his 
talents  and  offered  other  hopes  to  his  ambition. 

The  Empire  fell,  and  the  Charter  of  Louis  XVIII  was 
given  France,  and  along  with  the  Charter,  enough  liberty 
to  inspire  the  hope  of  being  able  to  gain  more.  It  was 
1815.  Thiers  was  eighteei^  He  had  left  the  Lycee 
covered  with  honors,  to  eirter  the  law  school  at  Aix. 
An  aunt  and  a  friend  of  the  family  furnished  the  funds 
that  were  needed.  The  young  law  student,  with  that 
rapidity  of  glance  and  that  prompt  decision  which  are 
not  the  least  marked  traits  of  his  character,  saw  in  a  mo- 
ment that  politics  was  going  to  supplant  arms,  and  that, 
for  him,  the  forum  was  to  be  more  important  than  the 
camp.  His  course  was  quickly  chosen;  politics  hence- 
forth became  his  chief  occupation,  and,  for  that  matter, 
the  chief  occupation  of  the  college  world.  At  Aix  as 
elsewhere — more  than  elsewhere  perhaps — the  new  phase 
into  which  the  Revolution  entered,  now  brought  face  to 
face  with  its  old  enemies,  was  warmly  welcomed,  and  the 
struggle  was  more  intense  as  the  reaction  was  more 
violent. 

The />iij>i lies  de  ia gatde  were  a  body  of  youth  attached   to  the  guard  of 
Napoleon  I. 


u 


^T.  is.]  Early  Life.  9 

.  The  young  Thiers,  who  was  not,  as  can  be  imagined, 
the  least  ardent,  was  not  slow  in  taking  a  prominent 
position  among  his  fellow-students  as  an  advocate  of 
liberal  principles.  Independently  of  the  earnest  views 
which  sprang  in  common  from  the  closely  united  body 
of  students,  Thiers  boldly  assumed  a  more  advanced  po- 
sition, and  charmed  his  companions  by  his  inexhaustible 
fund  of  information,  by  the  piquancy  of  his  language 
and  by  his  eloquence,  so  brilliant,  so  full  of  feeling  and 
so  French.  He  had  also,  at  this  early  date,  what  he 
never  failed  to  have  up  to  the  day  of  his  death,  numer- 
ous friends  and  numerous  enemies.  It  was,  so  to  speak, 
the  prelude  of  his  after  life.  And  he  had  intimate  friends 
not  onl)'  within  the  walls  of  the  law  school,  but  also  in 
the  city,  where  his  name  had  caused  not  a  little  commo- 
tion. Among  his  college  friends,  Mignet,  the  distin- 
guished historian,  should  be  mentioned  particularly,  to 
whom  he  made  the  first  proffer  of  friendship  and  with 
whom  he  was  closely  united  throughout  his  whole  life. 

Aix  opened  to  Thiers  a  freer,  larger  and  more  ani- 
mated field  than  he  had  found  at  Marseilles,  and  circum- 
stances seemed  to  conspire  to  bring  into  play  the  most 
striking  and  original  qualities  of  his  mind.  Aix  was 
a  learned  city.  Besides  its  law  school  and  its  court  of 
appeals,  it  possessed  a  nobility  which  contained  a  great 
number  of  distinguished  men  who  had  a  keen  relish  for 

intellectual  subjects.     Thiers  here  found  himself  in  his 

•f 
element.     Mignet  introduced  his  friend  to  the  most  hon- 


ro  Life  of  Thiers.  [1816-17. 

orable  and  enlightened  personages  of  the  city.  Thiers 
was  well  received  because  of  his  vivacity  and  his  already 
inexhaustible  conversational  powers.  Some  aristocratic 
and  even  Legitimist  families'"'  welcomed  him  to  their 
parlors.  They  called  him  the  "little  Jacobin,"  but  he 
did  not  hide  his  opinions.  He  never  "  put  his  flag  in  his 
pocket,"  as  he  has  been  accused  of  doing.  Royalism  was 
powerful  at  Aix ;  Liberalism  was  only  the  more  ardent 
for  this  very  reason.  It  dominated  on  the  benches  of 
the  law  school,  and  Thiers  might  be  called  its  leader. 
He  had  founded  a  club  called  the  Cenacle  —  a  sort  of 
debating  society,  where  politics  were  tabooed.  Thiers, 
however,  was  the  first  to  break  over  the  rule.  Politics 
was  his  passion.  He  was  preparing  himself  for  the 
future. 

To  this  epoch  belongs  an  episode  with  which  the  name 
of  M.  d'Arlatan  de  Lauris,  a  judge  of  the  court  of  ap- 
peals and  a  member  of  the  academy  of  Aix,  is  connected. 
Though  found  in  all  the  biographical  notices  of  Thiers, 
it  cannot  be  omitted  here,  for,  besides  its  raciness  of  de- 
tail, it  throws  the  first  important  light  upon  his  character. 
We  refer  to  his  Eulogy  on  Vauvenargues.-\ 

The  Academy  of  Aix  had   offered  a  prize  for  the  best 

eulogy  on  the  young  moralist,  a  Iriend  of  Voltaire.  Vauven- 

argues's  touching  fate,  his  sturdy  upright  character,  his 

*  The  Legitimists  are  the  adherents  of  the  old  monarchy,  overthrown 
first  in  1793  and  again  in  1 830. 

f  Vauvenargues.  a  French  moralist  born  in  1715  at  Aix,  died  in  1747. 
after  long  suffering  fiom  diseases  contracted  in  the  army. 


^T.  20-2I.]  Early  Life.  1 1 

love  of  glory,  that  moderate  system  of  philosophy  which 
was  also  Thiirs's,  in  which  thought  and  action  combine  and 
balance,  the  fact,  not  unimportant  to  a  youth,  that  he  was 
a  native  of  the  same  province,  so  captivated  his  young 
compatriot,  that  when  M.  de  Lauris,  who  perceived 
Thiers  s  abilities  and  divined  his  future,  advised  him  to 
compete  for  the  prize,  he  was  only  too  eager  to  do  so. 

His  essay,  written  in  a  clear  rapid  style,  where  more  at- 
tention was  paid  to  the  thoughts  than  to  the  language,  and 
animated  by  the  fire  of  hopeful  youth,  was  considered  ex- 
cellent ,  but  the  name  of  the  author  had  been  divulged,  and 
it  was  not  the  time  nor  the  country  in  which  justice  alone 
was  to  decide  upon  merit  even  in  the  most  harmless 
things.  The  royalists  had  a  majority  in  the  academy  and 
they  determined  to  let  the  "  little  Jacobin,"  know  it. 
They  did  not,  however,  carry  their  partiality  so  far  as  to 
award  the  prize  to  another,  but  contented  themselves 
with  adjourning  the  contest  to  the  next  year,  hoping  to 
have  competitors  more  to  their  taste.  But  Thiers,  with 
the  obstinacy  of  youth,  was  resolved  to  have  the  prize 
that  belonged  to  him,  and  since  the  judges  refused  to 
give  it  to  him,  he  determined  to  snatch  it  from  them. 
He  rewrote  his  eulogy  on  Vauvenargues  and  sent  it  once 
more  to  the  academy.  But  this  time,  in  order  to  put 
them  on  the  wrong  scent  and  to  outwit  their  partisan- 
ship, he  had  the  essay  forwarded  from  Paris,  through  the 
medium  of  a  Parisian  friend,  whom  he  had  let  into  the 
secret.     He   also    took   good  care  to  hand  in  his  former 


12  Life   of    Thiers.  [1819-20. 

essay  without  changing  it  in  the  slightest  particular,  ex- 
cept that  of  the  handwriting.  The  academy  fell  into  the 
trap,  adjudged  the  prize  to  the  essay  sent  from  Paris,  and 
made  honorable  mention  of  that  dated  from  Aix.  It  is 
said  that  the  academicians  took  their  discomfiture  with 
good  grace,  while  Thiers,  besides  the  joy  of  a  double 
triumph,  had  also  the  pleasure  of  laughing  at  his  judges, 
a  pleasure  without  alloy  since  he  had  won  his  case. 

This  eulogy  on  Vauvenargues,  by  which  Thiers  made 
his  deb7(t  in  letters,  is  of  great  importance  to  the  student 
of  his  character,  not  simply  on  account  of  the  little  episode 
that  it  gave  rise  to.  which,  characteristic  of  the  man,  was 
not  much  more  than  a  youthful  frolic,  but  more 
particularly  on  account  of  the  nature  of  the  ideas  and  the 
way  of  looking  at  human  destiny  therein  exposed.  The 
youth  traces  the  course  he  is  to  pursue  in  manhood,  and 
points  out  clearly  the  aim  he  has  in  view.  Action,  ac- 
cording to  Thiers,  is  the  object  and  the  province  of  life. 
"  Since  man  is  put  on  earth  to  work,"  he  says,  "  the  more 
he  does,  the  more  he  fulfills  his  end."  There  is  nothing 
extraordinary  in  this  thought,  the  contrary  being  an  ab- 
surdity. Its  significance  lies  in  the  fact  that  as  soon  as 
the  author  sees  his  object,  he  disengages  it  from  all  the 
systems  which  might  tend  to  enervate  our  activity  by  de- 
claring the  supreme  reward  of  all  our  efforts  to  be  found 
in  an  obscure  and  mysterious  future.  He  does  not  deny 
the  truth  of  these  systems,  whether  religious  or  philoso- 
phical, but  contents  himself  with  not  discussing  them.  He 


/Et.  23-24.]  Early  Life.  13 

has  to  do  with  certain,  visible,  incontestable  reality.  He 
would  ascertain  the  laws  of  our  being  which  incite  to 
action,  and  which  are  summed  up  in  the  exercise  of  our 
energies,  and  hence  it  is  that  he  concludes  that  the  aim 
and  the  reward,  that  work  and  pay,  are  the  same  thing. 
'■Life  is  action,"  says  Thiers,  "and  whatever  the  prize 
rnay  be,  the  employment  of  our  own  powers  is  enough  to 
satisfy  us  because  it  is  the  accomplishment  of  our  nature." 
It  is  under  the  patronage  of  Vauvenargues  that  Thiers 
advances  this  thought,  which  is  only,  in  fact,  the  formula 
of  all  the  philosophy  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Yet,  at 
the  same  time,  it  is  none  the  less  his  own,  since  this  idea 
continually  manifested  itself  during  the  whole  course  of 
his  life,  which  was  one  long  labor  in  a  single  cause,  a  con- 
tinual exercise  of  the  most  elevated  faculties,  tending 
always  towards  some  practical  end,  seeking  no  other  re- 
compense than  that  which  emanated  from  the  struggle, 
the  effort  and  the  result. 

In  France,  politicians  rarely  rise  to  prominence  in  the 
provinces,  where  superior  intellects  are  often  outstripped 
by  mediocre  ones.  Thiers  knew  this.  He  was  graduated 
from  the  law  school  in  1S20.  In  182 1,  about  the  month 
of  July,  his  friend  Mignet  left  Aix  for  the  capital,  and  in 
less  than  three  months  thereafter,  Thiers  joined  him, 
armed  with  his  diploma  (of  which  he  was  to  make  no 
use),  his  courage  and  great  confidence  in  himself  and  his 
future. 

This  latter  sentiment,  so  powerful  a  factor  in  a  sue- 


14  Life  of  Thiers.  [1821-23. 

cessful  career,  showed  itself  early  in  the  life  of  Thiers. 
He  was  accustomed  to  remark,  in  moments  of  friendly 
communion  with  Mignet  and   in  conversation  with  his 

fellow-students,  "  When  we  are  ministers ."     He  did 

not  hesitate  to  speak  freely  on  this  subject,  even  in  pub- 
lic, and  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  always  over- 
particular concerning  the  choice  of  his  confidants.  Thiers 
was  by  nature  careless  and  unreserved. 

There  stood  at  the  gate  of  the  law  school  of  Aix,  an 
old  apple-woman  with  whom  Thiers  frequently  chatted. 
The  poor  woman  often  complained  of  her  lot,  while 
the  young  student,  in  order  to  reconcile  her  to  the  pres- 
ent, would  talk  to  her  of  the  future,  especially  of  his 
own,  and  would  make  fine  promises,  which,  all  in  fun,  he 
would  say  he  hoped  might  be  fulfilled.  "  I  know,  my 
good  woman,  that  times  are  hard,"  he  would  remark, 
"  but  be  patient,  they  will  change.  When  I  am  minister, 
I  will,  of  course,  have  a  fine  residence,  and  you  will  see 
me  some  day  coming  in  a  coach  to  take  you  home. 
That  will  be  a  gala  day  for  us." 

Thiers,  notwithstanding  his  poverty,  did  not  encounter 
in  his  early  efforts  those  sore  trials  which  often  check 
the  advance  of  the  most  talented  minds.  Dr.  Johnson's 
famous  couplet. 

This  mournful  truth  is  everywhere  confess'd. 
Slow  rises  worth  by  poverty  depress'd, 

is  not  true  in  Thiers's  case.     Thiers  was,  however,   in 
straightened  circumstances  for  at  least  a  year  and  a  half 


.^T.  24-26.1  Early  Life,  1 5 

after  coming  to  Paris.  He  was  at  this  time  closely  united 
with  the  young  literary  circle  that  Abel  Hugo,  brother  of 
the  poet,  had  brought  together,  and  which,  in  summer,  on 
Thursdays,  used  to  take  dinner  at  Montrouge,  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  city,  in  the  saloon  kept  by  mother  Saget, 
as  the  landlady  was  called.  She  did  not  then  know  what 
a  galaxy  of  future  politicians  and  publicists  were  her 
patrons.  One  day  in  the  year  1832,  while  looking  over 
her  old  account  books,  she  was  almost  beside  herself  with 
joy  at  finding  that  a  haricot  de  tnouton  was  still  unpaid  on 
Thiers's  bill,  and  Thiers  was  §  minister !  The  minor 
journals  of  the  time  recounted  the  fact  with  merriment, 
and  the  old  dame  all  rigged  out  in  her  best,  called  on  the 
minister  and  the  little  debt  was  handsomely  liquidated. 

He  had  been  recommended  to  Manuel,  one  of  the 
most  popular  leaders  of  the  Liberal  party,  who  opened 
to  him  the  doors  of  journalism.  He  entered  the 
office  of  the  ConstitutionncL  The  views  advocated 
by  this  newspaper,  the  most  credited  of  the  opposi- 
tion press,  accorded  with  his  own.  M.  Etienne,  a 
man  of  wit  and  talent,  the  editor-in-chief  of  the  Constitu- 
tionnel,  had  a  disposition  that  exactly  chimed  in  with 
that  of  Thiers's,  and  they  were  soon  on  intimate  terms. 
The  first  article  from  Thiers's  pen  produced  a  favorable 
impression  on  the  managers  of  the  paper,  and  those  that 
followed  were  eagerly  seized  and  relished  by  the  public. 
One  of  them  in  particular,  a  review  of  the  famous  work 


1 6  J^if^   of   Thiers.  [1821-23, 

of  M.  de  Montlosier  on  the  French  monarchy,*  created  a 
great  sensation.  His  friends,  and  enemies,  too,  recog- 
nized in  this  production  the  hand  of  a  polemic  as  well 
as  the  spirit  of  a  historian  and  statesman.  Thiers  was 
not  then  twenty-five  years  old.  He  had  arrived  in  Paris 
in  September,  1821.  His  article  on  Montlosier  appeared 
in  the  month  of  March  following.  In  less  than  six' 
months,  he  had  won  a  reputation  as  a  journalist,  and 
had  acquired  a  position  in  that  Opposition  of  the  Res- 
toration, which,  after  the  death  of  Louis  XVUI,  was  to 
have  such  a  powerful  influence  on  public  opinion,  and 
to  become  so  redoubtable  an  enemy  of  the  monarchy. 
Thiers,  though  only  in  his  first  campaign,  might  have 
exclaimed  with  Csesar,  veni,  vidi,  vici. 

This  first  campaign,  furthermore,  was  marked  by  other 
successes  gained  in  different  fields  of  literary  labor,  which 
were  not  less  flattering  and  brilliant  than  these  journalis- 
tic and  political  triumphs.  Thiers's  intellect  was  as  com- 
prehensive as  active.  He  liked  to  grasp  different  sub- 
jects and  to  range  over  several  departments  at  one  time. 
So,  while  by  the  superiority  of  his  controversial  powers, 
he  boldly  took  possession  of  the  editorial  page  of  the  Con- 
stitiitionncl,  he  gave  to  the  same  journal  remarkable  arti- 
cles on  art  criticism,  and  shortly  afterwards  an  account 
of  an  excursion  into  the  Pyrenees.  At  this  same  period, 
the  busy  journalist  threw  off  a  curious  biographical  sketch 
of  Miss  Bellamy,  an  actress  who  figured  at  Covent-Gar- 

*  De  la  Monarchie  /mttfuise  depuis  son  ^tablissement  jusqu'h  nos  jours. 


^T.  24-26.]  Early  Life.  1 7 

den  at  the  close  of  the  last  century,  and  it  is  found  pre- 
served at  the  beginning  of  her  memoirs. 

The  French  politician,  though  distinguished  as  a  jour- 
nalist and  orator,  still  lacks  an  important  factor  of  suc- 
cess, if  he  is  not  an  adept  in  the  ways  of  the  political 
salons.  In  that  society,  so  intelligent,  so  elegant  in  man- 
ners and  education,  the  art  of  pleasing  makes  a  part  of 
the  art  of  governing,  and  it  becomes  necessary  to  con- 
quer the  men  of  the  world  as  well  as  those  of  the  market- 
place. If  this  is  true  even  to-day  in  Democratic  France, 
how  much  more  so  must  it  have  been  under  the  Restora- 
tion, when  the  body  politic  was  made  up  of  a  select  class 
of  electors.  The  salons  were  then  as  important  political- 
ly as  an  American  convention  :  there  were  made  deputies, 
ministers  and  even  revolutions.* 

Though  impersonal  journalism,  by  shielding  the  writer 
and  merging  his  individuality  in  that  of  the  journal,  has 
its  advantages,  it  has  its  objectionable  features  also,  at 
least  for  him,  since  his  fame  is  confined  to  a  narrow  cir- 
cle and  does  not  consequently  help  in  his  advancement. 
'Y\\&  salons,  however,  partially  do  away  with  this  objection. 
The  invisible  hand  which  strikes  the  blow  is  now  recog- 
nized ,  it  can  be  grasped  in  the  evening  after  the  morn- 
ing's combat ;  the  champions  who  had  just  pierced 
through  the  shield  of  M.  de  Vill^le  f  with  a  sharp-pointed 
arrow,  or  who  had  thrown   down  the  gauntlet  to  Prince 

*  It  has  often  been  said  that  the  Revolution  of  i830slarited  in,  tjicdraw- 
ing-room  of  M.  Laffitte,  the  celebrated  banker  and  statesman., 
f  Prime  Minister  from   1821  to  1827. 


1 8  Life  of    TJiiers,  [1821-23. 

Polignac,*  can  now  be  seen  face  to  face.  The  leaders  are 
distinguished  from  the  confused  mass  of  followers ;  they 
leave  the  ranks  and  show  themselves  to  the  public, 

Thiers  aspired  to  be  more  than  an  editor,  and  he  did 
not  fail  to  play  this  card.  At  first  he  was  received  into 
"Caz  salon  of  M.  Laflfitte ;  and  soon  afterwards,  M.  de  La 
Rochefoucauld-Liancourt,  a  distinguished  member  of  one 
of  the  old  aristocratic  families  of  France,  M.  de  Flahaut 
one  of  Napoleon's  ofificers,  Prince  Talleyrand  and  others, 
were  glad  to  welcome  the  vivacious  journalist  into  their 
polite  circles.  He  everywhere  attracted  attention  by  his 
brilliant  animation,  his  wonderful  conversational  powers, 
so  rich  in  facts  and  ideas,  and  by  that  precocious  sagacity 
which  enabled  him  to  distinguish  the  true  current  of 
events  and  to  divine  their  earliest  tendencies.  It  was 
this  latter  faculty  in  particular  that  struck  Talleyrand, 
who  possessing  it  himself  in  a  high  degree,  felt  its  im- 
portance, and  knew  that  without  it  no  one  is  worthy  of 
the  name  of  statesman.  A  witticism  of  Talleyrand,  that 
has  often  been  cited,  shows  in  what  esteem  he  held 
Thiers,  and  how  well  he  read  his  character.  It  was  in 
1827,  after  the  great  success  of  Thiers's  History  of  the 
French  Revolution,  that  some  one  referring  to  the  author, 
remarked  rather  contemptuously  in  the  presence  of  the 
aged  diplomatist,  "  Here's  a  self-made  man."  "  No,  he's 
a  made  man.'  f  responded  Talleyrand,  indicating  by  this 

*  Last  Prime  Minister  of  Charles  X. 

f   "  Le  voila  parvenu.  '     "  Non,  il  est  arrive." 


Mt.  24-26.]  jEa7^fy  Life.  19 

mot,  that  Thiers  belonged  to  that  class  of  able  minds 
which  secure  distinction  without  effort,  and  which  proper- 
ly form  a  part  of  that  aristocracy  of  intellect  to  which  all 
men  may  aspire. 

The  History  of  the  French  Revolution  showed  what  the 
author  was  capable  of,  and  at  the  same  time,  gave  him 
great  popularity.  The  work  did  not,  however,  reach  the 
highest  point  of  its  success  at  its  first  appearance.  The 
first  two  voJumes,  which  comprise  the  history  of  the  Con- 
stituent and  Legislative  Assemblies,  appeared  in  1823. 
Though  spirited  and  filled  with  many  happily  inspired 
pages,  they  did  not  make  the  impression  that  was  ex- 
pected, and  the  historian  fell  short  of  the  journalist.  The 
work  lacked  strength.  Though  experienced  beyond  his 
years,  Thiers  did  not  possess  the  knowledge  nor  the 
maturity  of  judgment  that  such  an  undertaking  demanded. 
He  knew  it,  and  began  forthwith  to  prepare  himself  for 
the  better  execution  of  the  remainder  of  the  task.  In 
spite  of  his  extraordinary  powers  of  application,  he  had 
been  able  only  to  skim  over  the  special  studies  which  the 
modern  historian  must  be  familiar  with,  in  order  to  pro- 
duce a  great  and  lasting  work.  He  resolved  to  master 
them,  and  with  this  end  in  view,  determined  to  make 
use  of  the  splendid  opportunities  that  surrounded  him. 
He  learned  finance  from  Baron  Louis,  Minister  of  the 
Finances  under  Louis  XVIII,  war  from  General  Foy,  who 
served  under  Napoleon,  and  from  the  celebrated  military 
writer  Jomini,  and  he  consulted  Talleyrand  more  than 


20  Life  of  Thiers.  [1823-27. 

once  about  foreign  politics,  and  many  other  contempora- 
ries concerning  the  events  and  actors  of  the  great  epoch 
which  he  Avas  to  describe.  '  Thiers's  historical  work  is 
faithfully  done.  He  has  neglected  no  source  of  informa- 
tion, recoiled  before  no  fatigue,  and  has  made  every  effort 
to  get  at  the  truth.  Though  there  are  some  grave  errors 
in  the  History,  he  did  all  he  could  to  avoid  them.  There 
are  numerous  proofs  of  his  honesty  and  carefulness.* 

The  success  responded  to  the  effort.  With  the  third 
volume  the  nature  of  the  work  changes.  It  is  more  sub- 
stantial, more  vigorous  and  more  spirited.  There  is  more 
color  and  force  in  the  style.  France  could  now  claim 
one  more  historical  monument,  which,  though  unequal 
and  even  feeble  in  some  of  its  parts,  did  not  fall  far 
below  the  subject,  nor  the  impression  left  by  it  in  the 
minds  of  men.  The  ten  volumes  of  the  original  edition 
of  the  work  appeared  during  the  period  extending  from 
1823  to  1827,  and  were  issued  in  parts.  A  successful  sale 
was  assured  after  the  publication  of  the  third  volume. 
The  first  edition,  however,  was  not  remunerative,  and  it 
was  by  the  subsequent  editions  that  the  author  received 
his  compensation. 

Few  books  have  made  more  noise  or  given  rise  to  more 
discussion  than  the  History  of  the  FrencJi  Revolution.  It 
offended  the  royalists,  who  considered  it  an  eloquent  re- 
habilitation of  the  memorable  event,  even  the  most  hon- 
orable representatives  of  which,  they  daily  stigmatized ; 

*  See  Appendix  C. 


vEt.  26-30.]  Early  Life.  21 

it  was  a  triumph  and  a  hope  for  the  Liberals,  who  saw 
revived,  on  a  large  and  brilliant  scale,  great  names  which 
had  been  forgotten  or  never  fully  appreciated,  and  whose 
virtues  were  easily  distinguished  from  the  faults  that 
marred  them.  Everybody  considered  it  a  bold  act,  a 
fearless  and  superb  challenge.  Even  the  historical  method 
and  the  philosophical  conception  of  the  work  were  a 
stimulus  to  controversy,  and  a  ground  for  hatred  or  sym- 
pathy for  the  author.  He  was  accused  of  political  skep- 
ticism, of  historical  fatalism,  of  partiality,  of  indifference, 
of  adoration  of  force  and  success  ;  as  if  it  were  sacrificing 
virtue  to  chance  to  point  out  how  even  the  best  men  are 
liable  to  errors  of  judgment ;  as  if  it  were  to  be  without 
political  honesty  or  deliberate  and  decided  preferences 
to  indicate  the  crimes  of  liberty  or  the  allurements  of 
glory.  His  friends  easily  repelled  these  attacks,  and  mit- 
igated by  increased  esteem  and  sympathy  the  effects  of 
the  hatred  and  injury  that  his  talent  and  courage  had 
called  down  upon  him. 

This  immense  work,  though  laborious  and  absorbing, 
had  not  completely  removed  Thiers  from  militant 
journalism.  In  truth,  it  was  only  an  isolated  and  victor- 
ious campaign,  a  sort  of  expedition  to  Egypt,  in  the 
great  war  undertaken  against  the  menacing  conduct  of 
the  old  monarchy.  He  had  not,  for  an  instant,  deserted 
his  post  on  the  ConstitiUionncl.  He  had  even  performed 
other  tasks.  In  1823  he  was  associated  with  R^musat, 
the  politician  and  writer,  and   Jouffroy,  the  well-known 


22  Life  of  Thiers.  [1823-29. 

philosopher,  on  the  Tablettes  Historiqiies,  a  periodical 
publication.  Thiers  wrote  the  articles  that  appeared 
under  the  head  of  Political  Bulletin.  They  were  filled 
with  the  most  caustic  irony,  tempered  by  exquisite  French 
urbanity.  A  good  critic  of  the  period  said  that  these  arti- 
cles were  superior  to  anything  that  had  appeared  in  the 
political  press  for  a  long  time,  and  that  he  was  certain 
that  he  recognized  in  them  the  stamp  of  a  courtier  of  the 
old  rd^ime.  He  was  astonished  when  told  that  they  were 
written  by  a  young  man  of  twenty-five. 

In  1824,  together  with  Jouffroy  and  Mignet,  he  wrote 
for  the  Globe  newspaper;  in  1826,  he  contributed  to 
the  Encyclopc'die  Progressive;  and  in  1828  he  published 
a  book  on  John  Law*  and  his  system,  in  which  he  laid 
down  the  principles  of  credit  and  explained  the  func- 
tions of  banks  in  his  usual  clear  way,  and  with  an  ability 
which,  considering  the  absence  of  special  preparation,  is 
remarkable. 

But  all  this  was  not  enough  to  satisfy  Thiers's  indefat- 
igable activity  and  that  desire  for  perpetual  movement 
which  is  the  foundation  of  his  nature.  After  the  History 
of  the  French  Revoltition,  he  wished  to  write  a  work  on 
general  history.  He  was  contemplating  a  journey  through 
Europe  in  order  to  collect  data  for  this  purpose,  when  it 
was  announced  that  Laplace^was  preparing  for  his  great 
voyage  around  the  world.    Curiosity  immediately  turned 

*  John  Law,  the  Scotchman,  who  introduced  into  France,  in  the  first 
quarter  of  the  last  century,  a  disastrous  system  of  finance,  based  on  paper 
money. 


/Ex.  26-32.]  Early  Life.  23 

Thiers  in  this  direction.  Besides  the  scientific  interest 
attached  to  such  an  enterprise,  there  was  that  about  it 
to  tempt  a  sturdy,  adventurous  mind,  eager  for  new  im- 
pressions and  discoveries  which  might  tend  to  increase 
his  reputation.  He  therefore  took  the  steps  necessary 
to  become  a  member  of  the  expedition,  and  was  ready 
to  embark  when  a  political  event,  long  foreseen,  but 
not  considered  imminent,  abruptly  changed  his  plans. 

On  August  8th,  1829,  the  Polignac  ministry  was  formed. 
The  Martignac  ministry,  which  it  succeeded,  had  been 
only  a  truce ;  open  war  was  declared  against  the  princi- 
ples of  the  French  Revolution.  It  was  no  time  to  desert 
the  field  of  battle.  Thiers  remained.  Long  armed  for 
the  final  struggle,  he  determined  to  throw  himself  into 
it,  body  and  soul,  and  to  wage  an  uncompromising  war- 
fare on  this  counter-revolution  which  the  Restoration 
had  inaugurated. 

But  before  entering  upon  an  account  of  the  new  career 
which  the  revolution  of  1830  opened  to  him,  we  desire 
to  say  a  word  concerning  the  man  himself,  and  to  dis- 
creetly unveil  a  portion  of  his  private  life. 

It  is  difficult  to  imagine  how  a  romance  could  insinu- 
ate itself  into  the  busy  youth  of  Thiers.  But  Thiers 
always  had  time  for  everything.  He  had  time  for  friend- 
ship, and  he  found  leisure  more  than  once  for  love. 

His  first  passion  dates  from  the  law  school  of  Aix,  a 
passion  which,  romantic  in  its  beginning,  came  near  being 
tragic  in  its  end.    The  young  lady  who  captivated  Thiers 


24  Life  of  Thiers.  [1821-22. 

was  beautiful  and  was  endowed  with  all  the  moral  quali- 
ties that  could  have  been  desired.  He  fell  seriously  in 
love  with  her,  and  was  soon  engaged.  But  she  was 
poor;  Thiers  himself  was  far  from  being  rich,  and  al- 
though he  did  not  doubt  of  being  so  some  day,  still  he 
did  not  wish  to  inflict  upon  her  all  the  trials  and  hazards 
of  a  struggle  for  competence.  It  was  agreed  that  the 
marriage  should  be  put  off  until  better  days  began  for 
Thiers.     He  then  left  for  Paris. 

If  a  contemporary  report  can  be  believed,  Thiers  said, 
one  day,  during  the  July  monarchy,  a-propos  of  the  un- 
successful efforts  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  eldest  son  of 
Louis-Philippe,  to  obtain  a  wife  from  some  one  of  the 
royal  fam.ilies  of  Europe,  '•'■  Parvenus  ow^t  to  marry  late." 
Did  this  remark,  so  pointed  in  its  application  and  which 
would  have  come  with  better  grace  from  Berryer,*  eman- 
ate from  Thiers's  recollection  of  his  own  conduct  in  this 
matter  of  matrimony?  Should  we  look  for  the  cause  of 
the  non-fulfillment  of  the  vows  of  a  young  and  inexperi- 
enced lover,  in  his  own  belief  in  this  ambitious  and  selfish 
maxim  ?  However  this  may  be,  the  father  and  his 
daughter  having  occasion  to  go  to  Paris  after  Thiers's 
departure,  saw  him  and  demanded  that  the  marriage  be 
consummated.  Thiers  was  rising  fast  at  the  capital,  as 
has  been  seen,  but  he  was  not  yet  firmly  established,  and, 

*  M.  Berryer,  (1790-1869). the  eloquent  advocate  and  statesman,  was  the 
leader  of  the  friends  of  the  Elder  House  of  Bourbon  in  the  Chamber  of 
r)eputies,  and  was,  consequently,  opposed  to  the  Younger  Branch  of  whicli 
Louis-Philippe  was  the  head. 


^T.  24-25.]  Early  Life.  25 

consequently  was  not  in  a  condition  to  marry.  He  asked 
for  a  year's  delay.  At  the  end  of  this  time  he  requested 
a  second  postponement.  But  the  father  would  not  grant 
it  ;  became  angry;  considered  the  excuses  evasions;  flew 
into  a  passion  ;  and  the  interview  was  terminated  by  a 
challenge  to  a  duel.  The  challenge  was  accepted.  The 
father's  second  was  Alphonse  Rabbe,  a  well-known 
journalist  and  author  of  the  time,  who  afterwards  related 
the  episode;  Thiers's  seconds  were  Mignet  and  Manuel. 
The  weapons  were  pistols.  The  father  being  the  injured 
party,  fired  first.  He  took  good  aim,  and,  if  it  had  not 
been  for  a  slight  sinking  of  his  arm,  occasioned  by  a  false 
movement  of  the  body,  his  adversary  would  have  been  hit. 
The  ball,  however,  passed  between  Thiers's  legs.  As  for 
the  latter,  he  did  not  raise  his  weapon,  for,  on  accepting 
the  challenge,  he  had  decided  in  his  own  mind  not  to  re- 
turn the  fire.  After  having  bravely  sustained  the  first 
shot,  he  said  he  was  ready  to  receive  the  second,  but  the 
duel  ended  here.  Several  years  later,  however,  after  the 
revolution  of  1830,  when  Thiers  had  risen  to  power,  and 
was  a  minister,  he  is  said  to  have  provided  good  positions 
in  the  Department  of  Finance,  for  the  father  and  the 
young  lady's  brother.* 

*  This  same  episode  was  related  sv'mewhat  differently  in  an  article  pub- 
lished since  Thiers's  death  in  the  Paris  Figaro,  from  the  pen  of  M.  Aurelien 
Scholl,  an  able  journalist  ;  but  the  account  given  in  the  text  can  be  de- 
pended upon  for  correctness. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   REVOLUTION   OF    JULY. 

The  Revolution  of  July,  1830,  is  an  important  date  to 
us,  because  it  marks  a  new  era  in  Thiers's  life.  He  is  now 
arrived  at  maturity.  The  journalist,  the  writer,  and  the 
historian  is  about  to  enter  a  new  field,  to  play  a  new 
part.  One  monarchy  has  fallen  and  another  is  raised  on 
its  ruins.  Thiers,  who  contributed  more  than  anybody 
else  towards  the  overthrow  of  Charles  X,  on  the  advent 
of  Louis-Philippe,  passes  from  the  Opposition  to  the 
party  in  power.  Will  he  be  worthy  of  his  younger  days  in 
this  new  sphere  of  action  ?  Will  he  be  faithful  to  his  early 
principles  ?  Will  he  labor  for  the  same  cause  ?  These 
important  questions  will  be  answered,  we  think,  in  the 
following  rapid  exposition  of  this  period  of  his  life,  so 
rich  in  facts  and  in  results  that  still  endure.  His  in- 
dividuality, however  considerable,  could  be  lost  sight  of 
without  detracting  interest  from  the  events,  in  which 
France  stands  personified  and  which  possess  a  grandeur 
of  their  own  ;  but  these  events  might  be  more  clearly  pre- 
sented, if  grouped  around  one  of  the  principle  actors  in 
the  drama,  and  if  reflected  in  the  part  which  he  played. 
Could  the  Charter  of  1814,  a  compromise  between  the 


yET.  32]  The  Revolution  of  July.  2  J 

dynasty  of  the  Bourbons  and  the  French  Revolution, 
imposed  upon  France  by  victorious  Europe,  and  upon 
the  Bourbons  by  the  nature  of  things,  have  long  en- 
dured ?  This  is  a  debatable  question.  But  the  fact 
was  settled  without  peradventure  by  the  revolution  of 
1830,  that  Charles  X  could  not  with  impunity  violate  the 
compact.  In  setting  at  defiance,  the  principles  of  the 
French  Revolution,  the  dynasty  engaged  in  an  unequal 
contest.  The  Revolution,  the  inevitable  result  of  centur- 
ies of  preparation,  had  put  a  period  to  an  extinct  society. 
The  work  had  since  been  checked,  thwarted  and  retarded, 
Bonaparte  had  done  it  by  gaining  battles,  those  who  fol- 
lowed him,  in  a  less  degree,  by  prudence  and  ability.  But 
to  attempt  it  with  a  high  hand,  without  popularity,  with- 
out prestige,  and  with  an  army  still  cherishing  the  memo- 
ries of  triumphs  with  which  the  Bourbons  had  scarcely 
anything  to  do,  was  pure  folly.  Everybody  saw  this,  so 
that  when  the  feeble  Charles  X  actually  dared  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  the  representatives  of  France,  and 
made  Prince  Polignac  Prime  Minister,  there  was  not  a 
politician  of  so  little  foresight,  as  not  to  predict  the  ap- 
proaching destruction  of  the  dynasty.  "  Unfortunate 
France!     Unfortunate  King!  "  cried    the   ^'Journal  dcs 

*  This  journal — the  LonJon  Times  of  Paris — which  will  be  frequently 
quoted  in  the  course  of  this  book,  is  on  the  whole  the  best  representative  of 
French  journalism.  It  traces  its  origin  to  the  month  of  August,  17S9.  The 
celebrated  French  journalistic  family,  the  Berlins,  acquired  possession  of  the 
journal  in  1709,  and  under  thciV  management,  which  lasted  for  two  genera- 
tions, it  took  a  high  stand — which  it  has  ever  since  retained — as  a  literary 
and  political  newspaper.  Napoleon  I  himself  wrote  for  its  columns  dur- 
ing the  empire.     Among  its  galaxy  of  distinguished  writers,  may  be  men- 


28  Life   of    Thiers.  [1S29. 

Dcbats.  Talleyrand  repeated  to  those  who  would  listen  to 
him  his  celebrated  prophecy,  first  uttered  at  the  time  of  the 
retreat  from  Moscow,  "  It  is  the  beginning  of  the  end." 
Thiers  did  better  ;  he  labored  with  renewed  ardor,  and 
with  an  audacity  which  nothing  but  respect  for  the  law 
could  arrest,  to  verify  the  prediction. 

The  enemies  of  Thiers,  long  before  and  since  his  death, 
have  been  pleased  to  call  him  a  politician  who  could  not 
be  trusted,  who  had  no  principles,  who  would  yield  to 
circumstances,  and  change  with  events,  a  sort  of  Machia- 
velli,  whose  motto,  formally  applied  to  Talleyrand,  should 
have  been  the  famous  verse  of  Horace, 

Et  mihi  res,  nan  vie  rebus  subjungere  conoi  .* 

Such  will  not  be  the  judgment  of  history.  Revolutions 
have  surged  around  Thiers,  and  in  whirling  him  about  in 
their  vortices,  have  often  changed  his  position  ;  but  he 
has  never  been  shaken  in  his  principles  and  aims.  He 
who  does  not  see  this,  is  determined  not  to  look  beneath 
the  surface,  to  confound  the  changing  form  of  things  with 
the  things  themselves.  The  adversaries  of  Thiers  thus 
sum  up  his  history  :  He  opposed  the  monarchy  of  the 
Restoration,  and  that  monarchy  overturned,  he  raised  up 
and  served  another  monarchy  ;  then,  he  combated  this  new 
monarchy,  helped   to  undermine  it,  and  when  it  fell,  de- 

tioned,  Chaleaubriand,  Nodier,  de  Sacy,  Saint-Marc  Girardin,  and,  at  a 
later  date,  Jules  Janin,  Renan,  and  Michel  Che vallier.  Cuvillier-Fleury,  (who 
will  be  frequently  referred  to  in  these  pages,)  and  John  Lemoinne,  both 
members  of  the  French  Academy,  contribute  to-day  to  its  columns.  The 
political  policy  of  the  Debats  from  its  origin  maybe  summed  up  in  the  words, 
liberal  conservatism.      To-day  it  is  conservative  republican. 

*Ep.  I,  I,  eg.     " the  world's  for  me,  not  I  for  it." — Conington. 


.1^T.32.] 


The  Revolution  of  yuly.  29 


clared  war  against  the  republic  that  followed  it,  until  the 
republic  gave  way  to  the   empire  ;  then,  in   fine,   after  a 
long  series  of  events,  the  republic  having  again  appeared, 
he  welcomed  it,  served  it,  defended  it,  and  was  about  to 
continue  to  defend  it,  serve  it,  and  perhaps  even  again  to 
preside    over   its    destinies,    when    he   was  surprised   by 
death.     And   then,  they  cry,  what   inconsistency,   what 
vacillation,   yea,   what  apostacy  I     But   nothing  is  more 
superficial,  more  puerile  and  more  false  than  this  summary 
way  of  judging  things.     To  properly  understand  the  long 
life  of  Thiers,  it  should  be  likened  to  the  voyage  of  a  ship 
on  the  Atlantic,  which  must  regard  the  currents  that  beset 
it,  the  changing  winds,  the  flow  and  ebb  of  the  tides,  and 
the    raging  tempests,  but  which  ever  steers  towards  its 
destined  harbor  ;  or,  to  use  a  comparison  more  suited  to 
Thierss  military  turn  of  mind,  his  life  was  like  a  campaign 
where  the  plan  of  battle  is  more  than  once  modified   to 
meet  the  requirements  of  the  action,  to  accomodate  itself 
to  unforeseen  contingencies  and  to  the  rules  of   strategy 
and    tactics.     Thiers    never    served  but    one    cause,    the 
French  Revolution,  and  he  served  it  only  in  a  legal  man- 
ner.    Therein  is  seen   the  salient  feat;re  of  his  political 
character.     Whether  acting  with  the  party  in  power  or 
the  party  out  of  power,  he  defended  the  Revolution  ;  he 
attacked  only  its  enemies,  and  he  always  found  his  means 
of  offence  and  defense  within  the  pale  of  the  law.     When 
he  participated  in  a  revolution  or  applauded    others  for 
doing  so,  he  never  scouted  the  law,  as   was  shown  by  his 


30  Life  of  Thiers.  fisjo. 

conduct  in  the  revolution  of  1830,  and  in  that  of  Septem- 
ber 4th,  1870,  when  Napoleon  III  was  dethroned.  This 
made  him  many  enemies  even  in  the  most  opposite  parties; 
for  a  political  foe  knows  that  moderation,  which  is  rarely 
excused  in  politics,  is  the  most  powerful  arm  that  the 
adversary  can  use ;  and  friends  too  often  take  for  weakness, 
what  is  in  reality  superiority  of  judgment  and  character. 

On  January  3d,  1830,  when  all  France  was  in  a  state  of 
political  fermentation  consequent  upon  the  unpopularity 
of  the  Polignac  ministry,  and  when  the  immediate  future 
was  threatening  and  uncertain,  Thiers  founded  the 
National.  He  was  well  situated  on  the  Constitntionncl, 
in  which  he  was  now  pecuniarily  interested  and  where  his 
remarkable  talent  gave  him  immense  influence.  But  his 
ideas  of  the  demands  of  the  hour,  which  seemed  to  him 
to  call  for  the  ardent  and  vigorous  treatment  breathed  by 
public  opinion  and  his  own  soul,  alarmed  his  colleagues 
whose  interests  he  did  not  wish  to  compromise.  He  de- 
sired also  a  personal  organ  in  which  to  carry  on  the  com- 
bat at  his  own  risk  and  peril.  Thiers  liked  responsibility, 
he  took  pleasure  in  it.  This  peculiarity  of  his  nature  will 
often  appear  in  the  course  of  his  career.  He  knew  that 
in  this  way  talent  secured  the  position  belonging  to  it, 
especially  in  times  of  agitation  and  in  free  countries.  He 
associated  with  him  in  this  new  enterprise,  his  friend 
Mignet,  and  afterwards  Armand  Carrel,  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  and  ablest  intellects  of  the  period — the 
yunius  of  the  French  press,  as  the  critic   Sainte-Beuve 


/Et.  33.]  The  Revolution  of  July.  31 

called  him.  Thus  was  started  this  liberal  newspaper, 
which  was  destined  to  take  an  active  part  in  producing 
two  revolutions  :  one,  that  of  1830,  with  Thiers,  the  other, 
that  of  1848,  against  Thiers,  or  at  least  against  the  Orleans 
monarchy,  which  he  had  helped  to  establish. 

It  has  been  said,  in  speaking  of  the  political  opinions  of 
the  National,  that  it  desired  the  same  thing  as  the  Globe,* 
namely,  a  constitutional  monarchy,  but  that  the  former 
sought  it  in  a  revolutionarj'-  manner.  This  is  far  from  true. 
The  principles  of  the  National,  no  more  differed  from  those 
of  the  Globe  in  their  application  than  in  their  nature,  the 
former  were  no  more  revolutionary  than  the  latter.  Both 
journals  stood  on  the  same  foundation,  the  Charter  ;  they 
had  to  do  with  the  same  enemy  ;  they  had  the  same  ob- 
ject in  view  ;  there  was  scarcely  any  difference  even  in 
their  tactics  and  manoeuvres.  Thiers,  however,  was  at 
the  head  of  a  division  which  was  more  alert  and  bold. 
"  It  is  enough,"  he  said,  one  day,  "  to  drive  the  Bourbons 
into  the  Charter  and  shut  the  door  on  them  ;  they  will 
jump  out  of  the  windows,"  and  the  whole  political  aim  of 
the  National  \vd.s  to  shut  up  the  Bourbons  and  to  induce 
France  to  do  the  same  thing,  at  the  risk  of  forcing 
the  King  to  break  the  panes  and  leap  out  of  the  window. 
Can  this  be  called  revolutionary  ?  Charles  X  was  incor- 
rigible ;  he  was,  furthermore,  in  the  hands  of  those  who 

*  The  Glolif  was  founded  in  1824,  and  for  five  years  was  devoted  exclusive- 
ly to  philosophic  and  literary  questions.  Among  its  writers  at  this  period  was 
Jouffroy.  the  philosopher.  In  1830  it  entered  the  field  of  politics. as  an  advo- 
cate  of  liberal  conservatism,  but  left  politics  after  the  revolution  and  soon 
disappeared. 


\' 


32  Life  of    Thiers.  [,830. 

do  not  let  their  prey  escape,  the  Jesuits,  who  have  so  well 
described  themselves  in  the  words  of  the  democratic 
poet,  Beranger : 

Half  fox,  half  wolf, 

Our  order  is  a  mystery.* 

The  Martignac  ministry,  so  moderate  and  so  devoted 
to  the  old  monarchy,  had  clearly  shown  by  its  fall  that 
the  Bourbons  were  not  to  be  depended  upon.  It  had 
settled  down  to  a  struggle  between  the  old  and  the  new 
ideas.  A  coup  tVc'tat  was  evidently  at  hand,  and  it  began 
to  be  felt  that  the  counter-action  would  be  a  revolution. 
What  was  to  be  done  ?  Should  pacific  protestations  be 
made  and  the  throne  be  humbly  requested  to  be  wise  and 
reasonable?  It  would  have  been  foolish  and  almost 
criminal  to  try,  after  what  had  already  been  experienced, 
to  change  the  mind  of  the  blinded  King.  The  only  thing 
to  be  done  was  to  press  him  into  narrow  legal  limits  where 
he  would  be  forced  to  capitulate — which  seemed  less 
probable  every  day — or  to  make  a  disastrous  sortie.  This 
is  all  the  National  of  Thiers  and  Armand  Carrel  advo- 
cated. 
''  The  National  marked  out  its  line  of  conduct  in  the 
earliest  numbers  of  the  paper.  Thiers,  in  an  article  on 
the  Charter,  stated  its  principles  and  pointed  out  the 
liberties  that  it  guaranteed.  He  demanded  that  these 
liberties  be  respected,  that  the  stipulations  of   the   Char- 

*  Moitie  renards,  moitie  loups, 
Notre  regie  est  un  mystere. 

Les  Reverends  Peres. 


^T.  33.]  The  Revolution  of  yuly.  33 

ter  be  carried  out,  and  declared  that  herein  lay  the  only 
security  for  the  present  and  the  future.  But  it  seemed 
idle  to  him  to  limit  his  efforts  to  a  declaration  to  which 
the  government  would  pay  no  attention.  The  govern- 
ment had  thrown  down  the  gauntlet  to  the  nation,  the 
nation  had  picked  it  up,  and  it  was  now  necessary  that 
the  latter  show  the  former  what  means  of  defense  it  had. 
On  January  5th,  1830,  appeared  an  article  which  created  a 
great  sensation.  In  it  Thiers  called  the  attention  of  the 
deputies  to  the  weapon  with  which  the  Constitution  had 
armed  them,  by  according  to  the  Chamber  the  right  to  vote 
the  budget,  and  then,  going  a  step  further,  he  explained  the 
difference  between  a  refusal  to  vote  taxes  and  a  refusal  to 
vote  appropriations.  "  The  first,"  he  said,  "  is  a  right 
which  pertains  to  the  nation  and  which  it  alone  can  exer- 
cise ;  the  other  pertains  to  the  Chamber."  The  ministry 
was  thus  apprized  that  the  most  serious  trouble  might 
result  from  the  course  it  was  pursuing. 

To  Charles  X  and  the  Jesuitical  circle  that  ruled  him 
there  seemed  to  be  these  alternatives:  either  royalty 
must  impose  its  will  upon  the  country,  or  the  country 
would  impose  its  will  upon  royalty.  This  was  the  pith 
of  the  situation.  Though  simple,  it  was  important  to  find 
a  watchword  which  all  could  understand,  at  which  no  one 
would  be  alarmed,  and  which,  at  the  same  time,  should  be 
firm  and  decisive.  Thiers  succeeded  in  meeting  these  re- 
quirements when  he  said,  "  the  King  reigns  but  does  not 
govern."  The  formula  was  admirable,  bold  but  not  rcvolu- 


34  ^{f^  of  Thiers.  [1830. 

tionary.  It  was  the  theory  of  constitutional  monarchy 
epitomized.  It  showed  on  what  conditions  France  would 
accept  royalty.  The  dynasty  was  not  excluded,  it  was 
only  subordinated  to  the  nation.  True,  the  Bourbons 
were  driven  into  a  corner  and  belittled  by  the  maxim, 
but  it  was  because  they  would  be  absolute.  Thiers  could 
not  be  blamed  for  this. 

The  whole  policy  of  the  National  is  embraced  in  this  cele- 
brated phrase,  and  its  arguments  are  summed  up  in  the 
article  in  which  the  author  develops  it.  Thiers  would 
establish  two  propositions  :  in  the  first  place,  that  royal- 
ty, as  conceived  by  himself  and  as  intended  by  the  Char- 
ter, is  not  to  be  despised  ;  and,  secondly,  that  France  so 
earnestly  desires  to  govern  herself,  that,  if  she  cannot  do 
so  with  royalty,  she  will  seek  another  form  of  government. 

On  the  second  point,  he  used  these  remarkable  words : 
"  France  wishes  to  govern  herself  because  she  is  able  to. 
Will  this  be  called  a  republican  spirit?  So  much  the 
worse  for  those  who  like  to  get  frightened  at  words.  This 
spirit,  republican  if  you  like,  exists,  crops  out  everywhere, 
and  cannot  be  repressed.  There  are  two  forms  of  gov- 
ernment which  will  satisfy  this  spirit,  the  English  and  the 
American.  Here  are  the  two  ways  of  arriving  at  the 
same  end.  Many  bold  and  vigorous  minds  prefer  the 
second.  But  the  body  of  the  nation  has  a  vague  fear  of 
the  agitation  of  a  republic.  We  ought  to  rejoice  at  this 
disposition  which,  unsteady  and  frequently  attacked, 
needs  support.     There  is  but  one  way  to  give  it  support, 


^T.  33.]  The  Revolution  of  July.  35 

and  that  is,  to  prove  that  the  monarchical  form  of  govern- 
ment offers  sufficient  liberty,  and,  that  under  it  the  coun- 
try can  realize  its  wish  and  govern  itself.  In  the  present 
agitated  state  of  men's  minds,  if  the  people  are  not  con- 
vinced of  this,  they  will  begin  to  look  outside  of  mon- 
archy  for  the  consummation  of  their  hopes,  and  will  not 
be  satisfied  even  with  what  is  found  across  the  Atlantic." 
On  more  than  one  occasion  since  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1830,  Thiers's  theory  and  his  judgment  concerning 
the  spirit  and  disposition  of  France,  have  been  shown  to 
be  correct.  " 

The  Chamber  elected  in  June,  1830,  was  stronger  in 
Opposition  members  than  the  one  that  had  been  dissolved. 
It  is  now  a  well  established  fact  that  Charles  and  his  min- 
isters had  decided  in  May  to  have  recourse  to  a  coup  d'etat 
if  the  elections  went  against  them.  The  celebrated  or- 
dinances* were  consequently  forthcoming.  On  Sunday, 
July  25th,  1830,  on  leaving  the  chapel  of  St.  Cloud,  where 
he  had  been  to  hear  mass,  the  King  signed  these  repressive 
decrees.  On  the  evening  of  the  next  day,  they  appeared 
in  the  official  Monitcur,  and  three  days  thereafter  the 
Restoration  was  at  an  end. 

Thiers  had  expected  the  coup  d'etat  and  was  prepared 
for  it.  He  had  already  decided  upon  the  course  he  should 
follow.  As  soon  as  he  read  the  Moniteur,  he  called  to- 
gether his  friends  and  the  principal  writers  on  the  National. 

*  They  were  five  in  number,  the  first  two  being  the  most  important,  since 
they  suspended  the  liberty  of  the  press  and  dissolved  the  Chamber  elect. 


36  Life  of  Thiers.  [juiy  1830. 

The  office  of  the  journal  became  a  headquarters  of  informa- 
tion and  action.  It  was  decided  to  resist,  but  there  was  dif- 
ference of  opinion  concerning  the  means  to  be  employed. 
The  majority  favored  separate  protests,  in  which  each 
individual  should  express  his  own  peculiar  views  on  the 
question.  Thiers  thought  this  a  bad  plan,  for  it  divided 
their  forces  instead  of  uniting  them,  as  the  gravity  of  the 
situation  demanded.  He  spoke  at  length  against  the 
dominant  opinion.  M.  de  Remusat,  the  liberal  pub- 
licist, entered  while  Thiers  was  trying  to  bring  his 
friends  over  to  his  way  of  thinking.  "  We  must  refuse  to 
submit  to  the  ordinances,"  he  said,  addressing  his  words 
to  Remusat ;  ''  but  articles,  however  well  written  or  how- 
ever bold,  will  do  no  good.  There  must  be  a  manifesto 
formally  setting  forth  our  refusal  to  obey.  It  should  be 
an  example  for  the  people  to  imitate.  It  should  be  com- 
mon to  all  and  binding  on  all  who  wish  to  protest  like 
ourselves."  His  opinion  prevailed.  A  document  was 
drawn  up  by  Thiers.  Some  one  having  requested  that  it 
be  given  a  collective  or  rather  impersonal  character,  Thiers 
interposed  again :  "  Names  are  necessary  ;  we  must  risk 
our  heads."  And,  then,  with  him,  Mignet,  and  Car- 
rel, of  the  National,  representatives  of  the  Figaro,  Tetnps, 
Globe,  Constitutionnel,  etc.,  signed  the  protest.  No  less 
than  eight  members  of  the  editorial  staff  of  the  National, 
more  than  twice  as  many  as  of  any  other  journal,  affixed 
their  names. 

The  Charter,  argues  Thiers  in  this  famous  document. 


/Et.  33  ]  The  Revolution  of  July.  37 

calls  upon  Frenchmen  to  obey  its  articles,  not  regal  ordi- 
nances. The  Crown  itself  has  heretofore  recognised  the 
authority  of  the  articles.  Whenever  a  modification  of  the 
existing  laws  has  been  desired,  the  Crown  has  had  recourse 
to  the  Chambers,  not  to  ordinances.  The  highest  courts 
of  France  have  pronounced  favorably  upon  the  constitu- 
tionality of  the  Charter,  and  against  the  constitutionality 
of  ordinances.  Since,  therefore,  the  government  has 
violated  the  law,  Frenchman  are  not  bound  to  obey  the 
government.  Legal  authority  is  at  an  end,  that  of  force 
is  begun.  As  the  writers  of  the  press  will  be  the  first  to 
suffer,  they  should  be  the  first  to  protest,  and  the  first  to 
set  an  example  of  resistance  to  their  fellow  citizens. 
They  are  determined,  therefore,  to  attempt  the  publica- 
tion of  their  journals  without  obtaining  the  permission 
imposed  by  the  ordinances.  In  closing,  the  journalists 
call  upon  the  deputies  elect,  to  stand  by  their  rights. 
The  Charter  gives  the  King  the  power  to  dissolve  the 
Chamber  after  it  has  convened,  but,  as  the  new  Chamber 
has  not  yet  met,  it  cannot  be  dissolved,  and  it,  therefore, 
still  exists,  the  legal  representative  of  France  and  the 
Charter.  Such  is  the  spirit  of  the  protest  of  the  journalists. 
The  publication  of  the  ordinances  and  of  this  protest 
that  they  called  forth,  produced  a  profound  sensation  in 
Paris,  and  throughout  the  whole  of  France.  On  Tuesday, 
July  27th,  the  people  of  the  capital  began  to  show  signs  of 
revolt,  and  it  became  evident  that  the  contest  was  to  be 
decided  in  the  streets  in  the  form  of  an  insurrection. 


38  Life  of  Thiers.  [juiy  1830. 

Nothing  in  Thiers's  whole  career  reflects  more  credit 
upon  him,  than  the  attitude  he  assumed  and  the  part  he 
played,  in  these  memorable  events.  It  has  often  been 
said  that  Thiers,  as  soon  as  there  was  a  resort  to  arms, 
retired  to  Montmorency,  near  Paris,  where  he  remained 
during  the  three  days  of  fighting,  July  27th,  28th,  and 
29th,  and  that  he  did  not  again  appear  on  the  scene  until 
the  afternoon  of  the  29th,  when  the  insurrection  was 
known  to  have  succeeded.*     This  is  not  true. 

On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  a  large  number  of  electors 
assembled  at  the  office  of  the  National,  on  the  invitation 
of  Thiers.  The  first  topic  discussed  was  the  public  ex- 
pression of  their  opinion  on  the  crisis,  and  the  way  to  ren- 
der such  expression  as  impressive  as  possible.  Thiers 
advised  that  the  co-operation  of  the  deputies  then  at 
Paris  be  made  sure  of,  and  that  they  be  pressed  to  sign 
an  energetic  protest  similar  to  that  drawn  up  at  the 
office  of  the  National.  The  question  of  recourse  to  arms 
then  came  up.  The  opinion  advanced  by  one  of  those 
present,  that  "  all  our  enemies,  both  King  and  gendarmes," 
should  be  placed  without  the  pale  of  the  law,  was  not 
ill  received  by  Thiers.  A  legitimate  defence  of  their 
rights  seemed  to  him  perfectly  proper.  He  hesitated, 
however,  at  the  thought  of  the  misery  that  would  be 
occasioned  by  an  unequal  contest  between  an  unarmed 
multitude  and  regular  troops.  But  the  insurrection  once 
under  way,  and  there  being  no  longer  any  doubt  of  its 
*See  the  Pays  of  September  5th,  1877. 


^T.  33.]  The  Revolution  of  July.  39 

assuming  serious  proportions,  he  did  not  shrink  from 
putting  himself  in  communication  with  its  friends  in 
order  to  do  what  he  could  to  direct  it.  Another  meeting 
for  the  consideration  of  this  same  subject,  was  held  in 
the  rue  St.  Honore,  at  the  house  of  M.  Cadet-Gassicourt, 
who  though  a  pharmacist  by  profession,  was  an  active 
liberal  politican.  Firing  was  heard  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood.  A  barricade  had  been  thrown  up  near  the 
Theatre  Fran^aisand  cavalrymen  with  drawn  sabres  were 
charging  upon  the  redoubt  of  the  people.  At  this  moment, 
Thiers  left  the  house  of  meeting,  and,  placed  between  two 
fires,  extricated  himself  from  the  danger  with  the  greatest 
difficulty,  though  many  passers-by  were  wounded.  He 
immediately  repaired  to  the  ofifice  of  the  National,  to  per- 
form the  duties  that  circumstances  should  impose. 

The  night  of  the  27th  was  sinister.  Paris  was  trem- 
bling. The  streets  were  silent  and  the  city  seemed  de- 
serted. Thiers  passed  the  night  at  the  ofifice  of  his  jour- 
nal, writing  and  supervising  the  publication  of  the  next 
day's  immense  edition.  Far  from  thinking  of  how  to 
escape  the  peril  of  the  situation,  he  printed  in  this  num- 
ber a  call  to  arms,  which,  if  the  insurrection  had  failed, 
would  have  compromised  him  not  only  for  the  present 
but  also  for  the  future.  But  the  revolt  grew  stronger 
every  hour.  During  all  the  following  day,  the  28th,  vis- 
itors poured  into  the  ofifice  of  the  National,  some  seek- 
ing, others  bringing  news.  Many  were  nervous,  many 
alarmed.      Thiers  reassured   all    by  the  serenity  of   his 


4o  Life  of  Thiers. 


[July  1830. 


countenance  and  the  firmness  of  his  language  and  atti- 
tude. In  the  evening,  about  nine  o'clock,  apprised  that 
a  warrant  for  his  arrest  had  been  issued,  and  prevailed 
upon  by  his  friends  to  avoid  a  danger  which  nothing 
required  him  to  encounter,  and  which,  as  the  struggle 
was  still  undecided,  certainly  existed,  he  left  Paris 
and  passed  the  night  at  the  house  of  a  friend  in  the  en- 
virons of  Saint-Denis,  a  short  distance  from  Paris.  A 
few  hours  afterwards,  informed  by  a  domestic  who  had 
been  left  at  the  capital,  that  the  insurrection  was  victori- 
ous, he  immediately  returned  to  the  city,  and  at  an  early 
hour  on  the  29th  was  found  at  the  ofifice  of  his  newspa- 
per, deliberating  with  his  friends  on  the  new  situation. 

The  question  that  offered  itself  for  solution  was  sim- 
ple, but  momentous.  It  is  not  less  difificult  to  make 
governments  than  to  destroy  them.  Three  ways  out  of 
the  difficulty  lay  open  to  the  men  who  had  brought 
about  the  revolution  of  1830: — i.  To  maintain  the  de- 
feated monarchy  on  condition  that  henceforth  it  would 
honestly  accept  the  results  of  the  French  Revolution. 
2.  To  establish  a  constitutional  monarchy,  by  placing 
on  the  throne  Louis-Philippe,  the  head  of  the  younger 
branch  of  the  Bourbons,  who  was  known  to  hold  liberal 
opinions.    3.    To  proclaim  the  republic. 

To  understand  the  situation,  and  the  reasons  that  in- 
fluenced Thiers  in  favor  of  a  constitutional  monarchy 
under  the  House  of  Orleans,  it  is  necessary  to  enter  into 
the  spirit  of  France  at  this  epoch,  to  know  the  thoughts 


JET.  33.]  ^/^<?  Revolution  of  yuly.  41 

of  the  people,  to  weigh  the  effect  of  the  struggle  in  the 
streets  of  Paris  on  the  imaginations  of  men  and  on  the 
state  of  parties,  and  to  discover  how  far  it  excited  pas- 
sions or  alarmed  interests.     This  shall  be  done  briefly. 

The  struggle  had  an  immediate  and  powerful  influence 
on  the  French  mind.  We  need  not  speak  of  Auguste  Bar- 
bier's  lambes*  nor  of  Casimir  Delavigne's  hymn  of  La 
ParisiMne.^  The  spontaneity  of  the  movement,  the  ardor 
of  the  combatants  during  the  contest,  the  discretion  of 
the  victors,  were  subjects  of  admiration  even  among  the 
Royalists. :|:  From  this  same  event  dates  Victor  Hugo's 
renunciation  of  the  belief  of  his  childhood.  Though  he 
had  always  accepted  the  spirit  of  the  Revolution,  which 
was  as  innate  in  him  as  his  genius,  but  which  youth  and 
the  social  atmosphere  that  he  breathed  had  smothered, 
he  now  first  joined  hands  with  the  men  of  liberal  princi- 
ples, and  entered  heartily  into  the  work  which  was  to 
install  and  organize  the  Revolution.  The  people,  too, 
caught  the  fire  that  inflamed  the  minds  of  the  intelligent. 
With  the  exception  of  portions  of  the  west  and  south, 
the  heart  of  all  France  beat  with  that  of  Paris. 

The  hatred  of  the  Bourbons  in  France  ante-dated  the 

♦Auguste  Barbier,  the  satiric  poet,  was  bom  in  1815,  and  is  still  living, 
(1878).  In  the  latnbes, — a  series  of  satires — the  poet  attacks  both  the  politi- 
cal and  social  corruption  of  the  epoch. 

f  Delavigne,  (i 793-1 843),  the  poet  and  dramatist,  was  hand  and  glove  with 
the  Liberals  of  the  Restoration.  La  Paiisienne,  which  has  been  called  the 
Marseillaise  of  the  revolution  of  1830,  had  but  an  ephemeral  popularity. 

X  Chateaubriand,  an  earnest  friend  of  the  Bourbons,  delivered  an  ora- 
tion in  the  Chamber  of  Peers  a  few  days  after  the  conflict,  in  which  he 
highly  eulogized  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Paris. 


42  Life  of  Thiers.  [1830. 

revolution  of  1830.  It  began  in  1789;  it  was  renewed 
in  1 8 14,  after  the  disasters  with  which  their  names  were 
associated.  Regard  for  the  Revolution  and  national 
pride  both  conspired  against  them.  The  folly  of  the 
ordinances,  the  blood  that  had  just  been  spilt  widened 
the  chasm.  It  was  useless,  therefore,  to  think  of  raising 
the  fallen  dynasty,  even  if  the  old  King  or  his  young 
heir*  should  have  consented  to  become  what  has  since 
been  termed  "  the  king  of  the  Revolution."  In  the  Lib- 
eral party,  Royer-Collard,  f  Villemain  %  and  Casimir  Pe- 
rier  himself — to  whom  we  will  have  occasion  to  refer 
hereafter — regretted  it  deeply.  But  the  necessity  of 
conforming  to  the  political  belief,  or  rather  the  political 
belief  imposed  by  necessity,  was  too  powerful  to  admit 
of  such  a  course. 

There  remain  for  consideration  the  alternatives  of  a 
constitutional  monarchy  under  the  House  of  Orleans  or 
a  republic.  The  Empire  was  not  then  a  factor  in  French 
pohtics,  since  the  heir  of  Napoleon  was,  with  his  mother, 
in  the  power  of  Austria. 

The  Republic  was  backed  by  an  able  body  of  talented 
men,  such  as  Armand  Carrel,  Godefroy  Cavaignac,  §  Ar- 

*  Charles  X  abdicated  August  2nd,  1830,  in  favor  of  his  grandson,  the 
present  Count  de  Chambord. 

f  Royer-Collard,  (1763-1845),  statesman,  orator,  professor  of  philosophy  at 
the  Sorbonne — the  Paris  university.  He  was  the  master  of  Cousin  and  Jouffroy. 
In  politics  he  was  a  moderate  liberal  and  founder  of  Doctrinarianism. 

X  Villemain,  (1790-1867),  famous  critic  and  professor  of  French  eloquence 
at  the  Sorbonne, 

§  Godefroy  Cavaignac, (1801-1835), politician  and  litterateur,  was  the  oldest 
son  of  a  member  of  the  Convention,  and  brother  of  General  Cavaignac,  who 
took  such  a  prominent  part  in  the  revolution  of  1848. 


yET.  33.]  The  Revolutio7i  of  July.  43 

mand  Marrast,  *  Colonel  Charras,  f  etc.,  who  were  after- 
wards reinforced  by  men  like  Ledru-Rollin,  %  Michel  de 
Bourges,  §  Gamier- Pages,  j|  etc.  It  had  the  prestige  of  the 
principle  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  the  shadow  of 
universal  suffrage,  logically  associated  with  the  doctrines 
of  1789,  the  glorious  souvenirs  of  the  victories  of  the 
Revolution,  its  conquests  preserved  by  it  but  lost  by  the 
Empire,  It  was,  finally,  the  form  of  government  pre- 
ferred by  the  most  virile  part  of  the  population  of  Paris 
and  of  some  of  the  other  large  cities,  particularly  Lyons. 
But  all  this  was  outweighed  by  a  thousand  misconceptions, 
by  a  thousand  prejudices,  by  the  bitter  hatred  of  its  ene- 
mies. The  spectre  of  the  Reign  of  Terror,  kept  alive  by  a 
sort  of  idolatry, — if  this  word  can  be  applied  to  animosity 
— was  ever  opposed  to  the  memory  of  great  deeds,  ever 
invoked  in  the  tribune,  in  the  journals  and  even  in  the 
pulpit,  and,  in  the  rural  districts,  it  was  a  veritable  bugbear. 
Besides,  the  Republic  implied,  demanded  universal  suf- 
frage, which,  in  the  then  state  of  the  French  mind,  might 
have  been  turned  against  republicanism,  and  even  have 

*Armand  Marrast,  (1801-1852),  publicist  and  journalist,  imprisoned  in 
1834,  because  of  his  political  opinions  ;  member  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment in  1848;  deputy  and  president  of  the  Assembly  at  this  same  epoch,  and 
editor-in-chief  of  the  National. 

f  Colonel  Charras,  (X810-1865),  soldier,  historian,  and  politician  ;  deputy 
during  the  Republic  of  1848,  and  exiled  on  the  advent  of  the  second  Empire. 

X  Ledru-Rollin,  (1807-1S74),  celebrated  publicist, politician,  and  advocate  ; 
member  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  1848,  and  deputy  ;  exiled  by 
Napoleon  III  ;  deputy  after  the  overthrow  of  the  Empire. 

§  Michel  de  Bourges,  (1798-1853,)  distinguished  advocate  and  politician  ; 
deputy  in  1837  and  in  1849. 

jGarnier-Pag^s,  (1803-1878),  historian  and  politician  ;  deputy  in  1842  ; 
member  of  the  Provisional  Government  and  deputy  in  1P48  ;  deputy  in  1S64. 


44 


Life  of  Thiers. 


[1830. 


delivered  it  over  to  its  worst  enemies,  the  clergy  ;  for 
the  cause  of  the  clergy  was  wrapt  up  in  that  of  the 
regime  which  had  just  been  ended.  The  church  sympa- 
thized and  co-operated  with  the  Bourbons,  and  it  was 
the  church  which  forced  the  court  into  its  last  fatal  con- 
flict. To  neutralize  the  evils  of  universal  suffrage  in  the 
rural  districts,  it  would  have  been  necessary  for  the 
whole  body  of  the  middle  classes  to  be  free  from  the 
prejudices  that  prevailed  there.  But  unfortunately  this 
was  not  the  case.  The  middle  classes  were  also  divided 
in  their  opinions  concerning  the  Republic.  From  another 
point  of  view,  the  Republic  might  again  raise  up  a  barrier 
between  France  and  the  other  states  of  Europe.  It 
would  be  looked  upon  as  a  revenge  for  the  disasters  of 
181 5,  a  renewal  of  revolutionary  propagandism.  The 
change  from  absolute  monarchies  to  liberal  monarchies 
which  has  since  taken  place,  that  whole  transformation 
of  Europe  so  well  stated  in  Thiers's  political  testament,* 
had  not  then  been  brought  about.  The  hostilities  of 
the  Holy  Alliance  —  Russia,  Austria  and  Prussia  —  were 
to  be  feared,  as  well  as  its  prejudices.  This  prospect 
alienated  from  republicanism  many  in  all  classes  of  so- 
ciety. 

The  only  possible  government  in  the  eyes  of  real  states- 
men was  a  Constitutional  Monarchy  under  the  House  of 
Orleans.     It  was  trusted  by  those  who  feared  the  Repub- 


*This  remarkable  document — the  last   thing  Thiers  wrote — is  given  in 
Appendix  D. 


jet.  33.]  ^^^  Revolutioji  of  ytdy.  45 

lie;  and  it  satisfied  the  liberals,  since  the  younger  branch 
could  reign  only  by  accepting  the  Charter,  for  the  viola- 
tion of  which  the  elder  branch  had  been  expelled.  If  it 
was  opposed  by  the  legitimists — the  followers  of  the 
elder  branch,  who  could  not  forgive  the  Orleanists  for 
supplanting  their  own  natural  representative,  and  who 
considered  them  disgraced  by  becoming  the  royalty  of 
the  Revolution — it  was  supported,  on  the  other  hand,  by 
all  the  foes  of  legitimacy,  that  is  to  say,  by  the  majority 
of  the  nation.  And  finally,  the  republican  party,  al- 
though it  would  be  an  embarrassment,  would  not  be 
strong  enough  to  materially  check  the  government  if  it 
were  wise  and  remained  faithful  to  its  principles. 

This  was  the  way  Thiers  looked  at  the  crisis,  on  which 
he  brought  to  bear  that  power  of  penetration,  that  sort 
of  political  scent  —  his  greatest  gift,  perhaps, —  which  en- 
abled him  to  follow  the  course  of  public  opinion  as  if  it 
were  a  trail,  and  to  see  clearly,  in  a  given  situation,  what 
ought  to  be  done,  and  what  could  not  be  substituted  for 
it  with  impunity.  Talleyrand  took  the  same  view  of  the 
question  as  Thiers.  Both  worked,  doubtless  in  concert, 
to  make  a  constitutional  king  by  addressing  themselves 
to  the  only  man  possible  for  such  a  position  at  that  time, 
Louis-Philippe,  Duke  of  Orleans.  Talleyrand,  as  was  his 
way,  kept  himself  hidden  in  his  house  at  Paris,  while,  by 
means  of  a  confidential  secretary,  he  carried  on  communi- 
cations  with  Neuilly,  just  outside  of  the  walls  of  Paris, 


46  Life  of  Thiers.  [1830. 

where  the  duke  resided.  Thiers,  on  the  other  hand, 
less  prudent  and  less  concerned  about  himself,  acted 
in  person.  Both  conducted  themselves  characteristi- 
cally. 

The  partisans  of  the  Orleans  family  said  in  1871,  when 
Thiers  refused  to  aid  in  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy 
of  1830,  that  he  showed  himself  ungrateful  towards  the 
King  whom  he  had  served.  This  was  reversing  the  roles 
in  a  singular  manner.  If,  in  affairs  of  this  kind,  there 
can  be  any  such  thing  as  gratitude  or  ingratitude,  it  was 
not  Thiers  who  was  the  ungrateful  party.  No  one  did 
more  than  he  to  elevate  the  monarch  who  ruled  in 
France  from  August,  1830,  to  February,  1848,  for  no 
one  did  more  to  remove  the  objections  to  him  enter- 
tained by  the  two  factions  of  the  victors.  On  the  one 
hand,  he  combated  the  views  of  those  who  favored  a 
compromise  with  Charles  X,  and  on  the  other  hand,  he 
opposed  the  efforts  of  those  who  would  have  the  Repub- 
lic forthwith. 

On  the  return  of  Thiers  from  St.  Denis,  the  National 
printed  a  short  but  clear  article  in  favor  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans.  Worked  off  by  the  thousands,  the  paper  was 
scattered  all  over  Paris  and  produced  a  marked  impres- 
sion, which  was  generally  favorable  to  the  proposition. 
Already  cries  of  "  Long  live  the  Duke  of  Orleans  "  were 
heard.  In  the  evening,  a  large  number  of  deputies,  jour- 
nahsts  and  politicians  met  in  the  parlors  of  M.  Laffitte. 


.-Et.  33.]  The   Revolution  of  July.  47 

Thiers  was  present.  Two  envoys  from  Charles  X  ar- 
rived, bearing  proposals  of  accomodation.  The  assem- 
blage  seemed  disposed  to  listen  to  them.  Thiers  op- 
posed this  with  all  his  force  in  a  vigorous  speech,  in 
which  he  showed  that  it  was  out  of  the  question  to  patch 
up  a  compromise  with  Charles ;  that  Europe  did  not  ex- 
pect it,  that  the  people  would  not  listen  to  it ;  that  it 
was  their  bounden  duty  to  return  answer  to  the  deposed 
monarch,  that  he  must  depart  from  French  soil  as  quickly 
as  possible,  and  that  not  until  it  was  known  that  he  was 
making  sail  for  England,  and  that  at  least  the  breadth 
of  the  Channel  lay  between  him  and  France,  could  the 
present  leaders  hope  to  be  masters  of  the  situation. 
This  sensible  and  fervent  appeal  carried  the  day,  and 
the  advances  of  the  King  were  repelled. 

But  it  was  not  so  easy  to  master  the  republicans  who 
held  the  streets,  and  who  could  not  understand  how  so 
important  a  question  as  the  establishment  of  a  new 
government  could  be  settled  in  a  manner  apparently  so 
thoughtless.  To  depose  one  king  in  order  to  set  up 
another,  seemed  to  them  very  illogical.  At  their  head 
stood  the  venerable  Lafayette,  who,  with  his  halo  of  1789 
— which  Thiers  had  helped  to  preserve — still  brilliant, 
was  all  powerful.  He  ruled  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  where 
he  sat  surrounded  by  the  most  ardent  leaders  of  the  re- 
publican party.  Thiers  alone  could  bring  him  to  a  com- 
position.    Lafayette  held  in  high  esteem  the  author  of 


48  Life  of  Thiers.  [1830. 

the  French  Revolution,  who  had  spoken  so  well  of  him, 
and  would  consequently  listen  to  his  advice.*  Thiers 
sent  M.  de  Remusat  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  who  did  not 
have  much  trouble  in  convincing  Lafayette  that  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  was,  for  the  present,  "  the  best  of  re- 
publics." When  M.  de  Remusat  left  the  Hotel  de  VHle, 
the  new  monarchy  was  assured.  There  only  remained 
to  remove  the  scruples  of  the  duke  himself.  The  prince 
would  not  ask  for  the  crown  ;  at  least,  he  did  not  wish 
to  appear  to  want  it;  he  desired  that  it  seem  to  be 
forced  upon  him.  However  this  may  be,  Thiers  took  it 
upon  himself  to  bring  the  duke  to  a  decision. 

Accompanied  by  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  move- 
ment, Thiers  had  an  interview  with  the  duke,  who  had 
quitted  his  chateau  at  Neuilly  and  was  installed  in  the 
Palais-Royal  at  Paris.  He  was  easily  induced  to  take 
the  title  of  lieutenant-general  of  the  kingdom.  This  pro- 
visional title  had  a  magic  influence.  Conciliatory,  ap- 
parently leaving  everything  to  the  free  choice  of  the 
nation,  it  was  well  received  by  everybody.  The  popula- 
tion of  Paris  was  seduced  and  carried  away  by  it.  The 
duke  had  accepted  the  tri-color  of  the  Revolution,  and 
had  declared  in  a  proclamation  that  henceforth  the  Char- 
ter should  be  a  reality.  This  was  all  that  was  needed 
to  respond  to  the  two  sentiments  which  filled  all  breasts,; 

*  "  Lafayette  hdd  not  the  passions  and  the  genius  which  frequently  lead  to 
the  abuse  of  power  ;  with  an  equable  mind,  a  sound  understanding  and  a 
system  of  invariable  disinterestedness,  he  was  peculiarly  fitted  for  the  part 
which  circumstances  had  allotted  to  him  —  that  of  superintending  the  exe- 
cution of  the  laws." — Tkiers's  French  Revolution,  Vol.  I.,  p.  75,  et passim. 


^T.  33.]  The  Revolution  of  yuly.  49 

patriotism,  inspired  by  the  tri-color  cockade,  which  re- 
called so  many  glorious  deeds,  and  love  for  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Revolution,  which  the  Charter  consecrated. 
From  that  moment,  the  triumph  of  the  new  monarchy 
was  certain.  It  was  not  yet  founded,  but  it  was  assured, 
and  with  it,  a  new  era  was  to  open  to  the  man  who  had 
done  so  much  to  make  it  possible. 


CHAPTER  III. 

EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE  JULY  MONARCHY. —  183O-4O. 

Mr.  Sumner,  the  illustrious  senator  whose  memory  we 
honor,  during  his  last  visit  to  Paris,  had  a  long  conversa- 
tion with  M.  Gambetta,  on  the  state  of  France  and  its 
frequent  and  often  terrible  revolutions.  The  senator  re- 
ferred the  origin  of  all  these  evils  to  the  apostacy  of 
Henry  IV,  to  that  political  policy  which  sacrifices  princi- 
ples to  circumstances,  and  which  prompted  the  prince  to 
express  that  famous  sentiment,  "  Paris  is  well  worth  a 
mass."  "  No,"  said  Mr.  Sumner  in  a  burst  of  eloquence, 
which  forcibly  struck  M.  Gambetta,*  "  however  beautiful 
Paris  may  be,  it  is  not  worth  a  mass,  if  a  mass  is  the  aban- 
donment of  a  belief  or  a  principle.  It  is  not  by  sinking 
to  the  level  of  circumstances,  not  by  debasing  one's  self 
by  capitulations  of  conscience,  that  principles  are  estab- 
lished which  endure.  The  selfish  abjuration  of  the  friend 
of  Sully  has  been  a  virus,  which  has  not  grown  less  nox- 
ious by  age,  a  slow  and  deadly  poison,  which,  penetrating 
into  the  whole  social  body,  corrupted  it,  until  the  French 
Revolution  came  to  infuse  new  blood  into  it.  What  a 
fatality  proceeded  from  that  original  sin  !  The  last  de- 
•*  We  have  this  anecdote  from  Gambetta  himself. 


jEr.  33.]  77ie  July  Monarchy.  5 1 

scendant,  the  last  representative  of  the  father  of  the 
Bourbons,  may  have  been  innocent ;  but  the  dynasty  was 
culpable;  it  was  a  just  retribution  that  it  perish  in  the 
convulsions  produced  by  the  remedy  which  the  crime  of 
its  founder  had  rendered  necessary.  History  is  a  Nemesis 
without  bowels,  which  punishes  without  pity." 

That  Mr.  Sumner's  opinion,  the  nobility  of  which — no 
one  at  least  would  deny — is  not  irreproachable  from  a  his- 
torical stand  point,  is  doubtless  true;  but  it  is  incontesta- 
ble, that  any  political  system  whatever,  is  in  great  danger 
if  it  do  not  proceed  from  a  principle  founded  in  the  depths 
of  the  national  conscience,  and  if  those,  whose  mission  it 
is  to  apply  it,  have  not  faith  in  it  and  subordinate  it  to 
their  personal  views,  to  their  own  interests. 

The  reign  of  Louis-Philippe — to  take  an  example  that 
can  not  be  questioned — is  a  striking  proof,  not  so  much  of 
the  necessity  of  a  moral  principle  in  the  origin  of  a  gov- 
ernment which  would  hope  to  live  and  would  pretend  to 
be  something  more  than  a  mere  expedient,  but  of  the 
vital  importance  of  a  harmony  between  the  political  sys- 
tem that  is  adopted  and  the  vigorous  application  of  that 
system.  Louis-Philippe,  a  descendant  of  the  grandson  of 
Henry  IV, — which  fact  he  did  not  forget  to  proclaim  at 
the  proper  time — did  not  give  up  his  faith  in  accepting 
the  crown  of  France  ;  his  dynasty  was  not  born  of  infi- 
delity to  principle,  the  sin  with  which  Mr.  Sumner  re- 
proaches his  great  ancestor;  though  a  prince  and  a  Bour- 
bon, he    breathed    the  spirit    of  '89,  which  he  had,  so  to 


52  Life  of  Thiers. 


[I? 


speak,  sucked  at  the  breast ;  he  was  a  son  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  a  great  admirer  of  Voltaire.  But  he  forgot, 
little  by  little,  that  under  a  constitutional  monarchy  "  the 
King  reigns  but  does  not  govern,"  and,  if  he  did  not  en- 
force his  will  with  a  high  hand  as  did  Charles  X,  he  pur- 
sued the  same  fatal  course  in  a  quiet  way.  Louis-Philippe 
was  also  too  much  absorbed  in  his  own  private  interests 
and  in  the  advancement  of  his  family.  On  the  one  hand, 
he  was  too  much  of  a  king  ;  on  the  other,  not  enough  of  a 
king.  So  he  fell,  and  along  with  him  that  system  of  govern- 
ment on  which  so  many  eminent  Frenchmen,  Talleyrand, 
Thiers,  Cousin,  Mignet,  Remusat,  and  a  host  of  others, 
had  founded  their  hopes  for  the  future  of  France. 

Thiers,  some  months  before  his  death,  had  a  long  con- 
versation with  a  friend  concerning  Louis-Philippe,  the 
most  interesting  portions  of  which,  furnished  us  by  the 
lady  herself,*  we  present  below : 

"  The  first  time  I  saw  the  Duke  of  Orleans,"  said 
Thiers,  "  was  on  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  the  fatal 
ordinances  were  signed.  I  was  at  St.  Leu-Taverny,  at 
the  chateau  of  Mme.  de  Feucheres.f     I  had  accompanied 

*We  refer  to  Mrs.  Emily  Crawford,  the  talented  Paris  correspondent  of 
the  London  Neivs.  and  now  (1878,  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tiilnine. 
Portions  of  this  same  conversation  given  in  the  text  will  be  found,  though 
in  different  language,  in  Mrs.  Crawford's  interesting  article,  AI.  Thiers:  a 
sketch  from  life  by  an  English  peticil,  published  in  Maciiiillan's  Magazine 
for  November,  1877.  The  account  given  in  the  text  was  written  before 
Mrs.  Crawford's  article  appeared. 

f  This  is  the  woman  who  acted  such  a  dark  part  in  the  tragedy  attending  the 
mysterious  death  of  the  Duke  de  Bourbon,  "  the  last  of  the  Condes."  as 
graphically  told  in  Chapter  XII  of  Louis  Blanc's  History  of  Ten  Years.  The 
chateau  of  St.  Leu,  a  village  about  ten  miles  north  of  Paris,  was  one  of  the 
legacies  wormed  out  of  the  old  duke  by  Mme.  de  Feucheres. 


jp_T_  33.]  T/ie  July  Monarchy,  63 

Mme.  de  Courtchamp,  the  friend  of  Mme.  de  Feucheres, 
at  whose  country  seat  not  far  distant,  I  sometimes  spent 
Sunday. 

"  There  were  a  great  many  people  at  the  chdteau.  A 
comedy  was  being  performed.  During  an  intermission 
we  found  ourselves  assembled  in  the  salon  du  thMtre,  a  sort 
of  neutral  ground,  a  foyer  de  V opera,  where  grand  dames, 
scrupulous  of  decorum  and  appearances,  thought  they 
might  approach  the  mistress  of  the  Duke  de  Bourbon 
without  compromising  themselves.  Mme.  de  Feucheres, 
who  was  very  intimate  with  Madame  Adelaide,  Louis- 
Philippe's  sister,  hoped,  with  the  princess,  to  make  the 
duke  a  king,  if  the  folly  of  Charles  X  should  render  the 
throne  vacant.  Mme.  de  Courtchamp  remarked  to 
her,  pointing  to  Louis-Philippe  who  was  near  by,  '  Well, 
there  is  the  king  you  need.'  Mme.  de  Feucheres  re- 
peated the  remark  to  the  duke.  It  is  but  just  to  say 
that  he  paid  little  heed  to  her ;  he  did  not  like  adventures" 
Danton  once  predicted  to  him,  as  the  witches  did  to 
Macbeth,  that  he  would  be  king.  But  he  scarcely  desired 
it ;  it  was  not  he  who,  in  order  to  gain  a  crown,  would 
have  stained  his  hands  with  a  drop  of  blood,  which  all  great 
Neptune's  ocean  could  not  wash  out.  It  was  Madame 
Adelaide  who  eventually  persuaded  him  to  accept  it. 

"  Louis-Philippe  \vas  a  bourgeois  in  rather  the  deroga- 
toiy  sense  that  is  sometimes  applied  to  this  word.  Cour- 
ageous, exposing  himself  to  danger,  with  a  just  idea  of 
his  dignity,  intelligent  and  spirited,  both   true   heroism 


54  Life  of   Thiers.  [1830-37. 

and  lofty  ambition  were  lacking  in  him.  He  was  not 
attracted  by  glory,  except  the  glory  of  money.  It  has 
been  said,  that  one  evening  while  playing  billiards  at  the 
Tuileries,  he  dropped  a  franc,  which,  leaning  over  to  pick 
up,  but  not  finding  immediately,  he  continued  to  look 
for,  until  one  of  the  players,  who  was  not  by  the  way 
a  millionaire,  taking  pity  on  him,  pulled  from  his  own 
purse  a  bank  bill,  which  he  lighted,  in  order  to  assist  the 
King  in  his  search,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  teach  him  a 
lesson.  But  this  is  a  society  calumny,  a  story  gotten  up 
by  his  enemies,  though,  to  be  sure,  it  is  a  counterfeit  in 
which  there  is  some  truth.  It  is  true  that  Louis-Phil- 
ippe loved  money  too  much,  but  it  was  not  for  himself 
that  he  wanted  it,  not  to  gratify  costly  tastes,  since  his 
were  very  simple.  Nor  was  his  passion  that  of  an  unfeel- 
ing miser.  If  he  adored  his  family,  it  was  for  its  sake,  in 
order  to  establish  it,  to  richly  endow  it,  to  make  it  the 
wealthiest  in  Europe,  that  he  gave  so  much  thought  to 
the  increment  of  his  fortune,  and  so  much  care  to  pro- 
tecting it  from  all  danger.  All  the  reproaches  that  this 
avarice  brought  down  upon  him,  which  fill  the  pamphlets 
of  the  period,  were  merited,  if  we  except  the  inevitable 
exaggerations,  and  particularly  the  wicked  calumnies  of 
Cormenin.* 

"  Believe  me,  my  dear  madame,  that,  if  I  speak  of  all 
this,  it  is  not  out  of  any  ill-will  towards  a  prince  whom  I 

*  M.  de  Cormenin  (1788-1868),  also  known  under  the  nom  de  plume  of 
"  Timon,"  was  a  celebrated  French  pamphleteer,  who,  a  republican  during 
the  reign  of  Louis-Philippe,  finally  went  over  to  the  Empire. 


^T.  33-40.]  The  July  Monarchy.  55 

admired,  and  who  returned  my  regard  ;  I  am  not  given  to 
posthumous  slander.  No,  but  it  is  because  this  charac- 
teristic which  I  have  pointed  out  to  you,  has  produced 
important  consequences  in  our  history;  it  is  because 
these  family  preoccupations  have  played  a  very  grievous 
part  in  our  domestic  and  foreign  politics,  inasmuch  as 
they  often  got  complicated  with  the  tendencies  of  per- 
sonal government,  and  so  affected  the  spirit  of  our  insti- 
tutions. 

"  If  I  were  to  write  the  history  of  this  reign,  I  should 
divide  it  into  two  parts;  the  first,  from  1830  to  1840,  the 
second,  from  1840  to  the  revolution  of  1848:  and  I 
should  say  that  the  first  period  was  characterized  by  the 
predominance  of  the  protestant  and  liberal  spirit ;  that 
the  second  was  marked  by  a  catholic  influence,  and  that 
— a  result  which  necessarily  followed — personal  royalty 
now  became  more  prominent,  and  there  was  a  tendency 
to  substitute  the  monarch's  will  for  that  of  the  country. 

"  This  fact  showed  itself  in  the  marriages  of  the  family^, 
or  its  attempts  at  marriages.  In  the  first  period,  Louis- 
Philippe  gave  one  of  his  daughters  to  a  protestant 
prince,  Leopold,  who,  after  a  revolution,  became  King  of 
Belgium ;  he  married  the  heir  presumptive,  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  to  a  protestant  princess,  and  he  had  great  hopes 
of  being  able  to  win  for  his  second  son,  the  Duke  de 
Nemours,  the  hand  of  the  future  queen  of  England,  the 
Princess  Victoria,  to  whom  had  been  sent  the  prince's 
portrait,  which  she  admired  too  much  to  please  the  old 


56  Life  of  Thiers.  [1846. 

King,  William  IV,  whose  preferences  were  for  a  Coburg. 
The  match  fell  through  because  of  the  duke's  unwilling- 
ness to  change  his  religion.  This  all  occurred  during  the 
epoch  of  the  protestant  ministers,  Guizot,  Gasparin,  * 
Humann  f  and  others,  not  to  speak  of  the  free-thinkers. 
The  Tuileries  were  then  hermetically  sealed  to  clerical 
influences.  This  lasted  so  long  as  there  were  hopes  of 
the  consummation  of  the  English  marriage.  But  when 
these  fell  to  the  ground,  the  royal  father  turned  in  an- 
other direction,  and  catholic  princesses  supplanted  pro- 
testant princesses.  You  know  all  about  the  grand  affair 
of  the  Spanish  marriages,  %  into  which  Guizot  entered 
eagerly,  and  from  which  he  did  not  escape  without  tar- 
nishing his  glory.  I  have  told  you  the  consequences : 
Ultramontane  influences  entered  the  palace,  the  govern- 
ment had  to  compound  with  Catholicism.  This  was 
clearly  evident  in  the  question  of  non-sectarian  educa- 
tion, in  the  venemous  attacks  made  on  the  University, 
which  was  accused  of  all  the  crimes  imaginable,  but 
whose  only  fault  was  that  of  being  a  laical  institution 
pervaded  with  the  spirit  of  the  Revolution. 

"Another  consequence  still,  which  I  have  pointed  out 

*  Gasparin,  (1783-1862),  famous  agriculturist,  politician,  and  soldier  ;  Peer 
of  France,  1834  ;  Minister  of  the  Interior,  1836  ;  of  Agriculture,  1839  ;  and 
member  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences. 

f  Humann,  (1780-1842),  deputy  under  the  Restoration  ;  Peer  of  France, 
1837  ;  and  Minister  of  Finances  from  1832  to  1836. 

\  Two  of  Louis-Philippe's  sons  the  Duke  d'Aumale  and  the  Duke  de 
Montpensier,  were  to  marry  Spanish  princesses,  the  first, Queen  Isabella,  the 
second,  the  Infanta,  Maria  Louisa,  the  queen's  younger  sister.  The  first 
marriage  was  given  up  through  fear  of  provoking  Europe,  but  the  second 
was  consummated  on  October  lotli,  1846,  much  to  the  dislike  of  England. 


JEr.  49.]  77i^  Jzily  Monarchy.  5y 

to  you.  So  long  as  the  family  considered  its  interests  to 
lie  on  the  protestant  side,  it  was  more  liberal,  more  faith- 
ful to  its  origin  ;  people  governed  themselves,  and  were 
allowed  to  govern  themselves  ;  but  from  the  moment  that 
Catholicism  got  the  upper  hand,  the  Bourbon  came  to 
the  surface  ;  the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  forgotten.  They 
opposed  the  current  so  determinedly  that  it  increased  by 
resistance,  until  one  fine  day  it  became  a  torrent  and 
swept  us  all  into  the  abyss." 

The  whole  secret  of  the  conduct  of  Thiers  under  the 
government  of  July  is  thus  divulged  by  Thiers  himself; 
for  the  foregoing  resume  of  this  historical  conversation, 
however  incomplete  and  tame  it  may  be,  exactly  repro- 
duces the  thoughts  of  the  illustrious  statesman  on  the 
subject  about  which  we  are  now  speaking.  It  seems  to 
us  that  by  reflecting  on  it,  one  can  comprehend  without 
trouble  the  whole  role,  apparently  so  contradictory,  which 
he  played  in  this  drama  of  eighteen  years'  duration.  It 
has  been  said  by  M.  Cuvillier-Fleury  *  that  combative- 
ness  entered  largely  into  the  cause  of  Thiers's  "  intermit- 
tent "  opposition  to  Louis-Philippe.  We  can  not  entire- 
ly subscribe  to  that  opinion.  Man  is  not  pure  spirit;  in- 
stincts are  mingled  with  most  of  our  acts,  and  Thiers,  like 
all  .strong  and  active  intellects,  was  moved  at  the  same 
time  by  passion  and  reason.  But  it  is  not  viewing  him  in 
his  true  light,  to   attribute  in   the    slightest  degree   his 

*  M.  Fleury  is  a  member  of  the  French  Academy,  a  conservative  repub- 
lican, and  a  writer  in  the  Journal  dis  Debats.  See  the  number  for  Septem- 
ber 30th,  1877. 


58  Life   of  Thiers.  [1830. 

opposition  to  a  passion  or  to  an  instinct.  It  arose  from 
a  deeper  and  nobler  cause,  from  devotion  to  the  political 
ideal  that  he  had  conceived,  from  belief  in  the  maxims 
that  he  had  established  for  its  realization.  If  we  com- 
pare this  ideal  with  Louis-Philippe's  interpretation  of 
what  a  constitutional  monarch  should  be,  as  just  depicted 
by  Thiers,  it  is  evident  that  antagonism  must  have  arisen 
between  the  King  and  him  who  had  made  the  King. 
Thiers  was  not  the  man  to  suffer  even  the  shadow  of  per- 
sonal government,  and  precisely  for  the  reason  that  he 
had  more  than  any  one  else  contributed  to  place  the  prin- 
ciples which  were  dear  to  him  under  the  safe-guard  of  a 
monarchy,  he  felt  that  it  was  his  duty  more  than  that  of 
any  body  to  preserve  them  from  every  dishonor,  from 
every  violation. 

Thiers  held  a  prominent  position  among  the  men 
whom  the  revolution  of  July  had  put  in  power.  He  did 
not  figure,  however,  in  the  first  ministry;  he  was  young, 
but  thirty-three  years  old  ;  he  had  to  give  way  to  his 
elders,  Guizot,  Broglie,  *  Dupin,f  Casimir  Perier. :{:  He 
was,  however,  called  into  the  Council  of  State,  a 
semi-political,    semi-administrative    body,    and    accepted 

*The  Duke  de  Broglie,  (1785-1870),  author  and  politician  ;  Minister  of 
Public  Instruction,  1830  ;  of  Foreign  Affairs,  1832  ;  deputy  in  1849  ;  mem- 
ber of  the  French  Academy,  1855  ;  and  father  of  the  present  Duke  de  Brog- 
lie, who  is  prominent  in  French  politics. 

f  Dupin,  known  as  Dupin  aine.  (i 783-1 865),  celebrated  advocate  ;  mem- 
ber of  the  Provisional  Government  in  1830  :  president  of  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  1832-40  ;  member  of  the  Academy  1832  ;  deputy  1848  ;  senator 
1857. 

\  Perier,  ((777-1832),  the  celebrated  orator,  member  of  the  Opposition 
under  the  Restoration  and  Prime  Minister  under  Louis- Philippe. 


^Et.  33.J  The  yuly  Monarchy.  59 

a  position  in  the  Treasury  Department  from  the 
hands  of  Baron  Louis.  But  after  the  elections  by  which 
one-third  of  the  Chamber  was  replaced,  and  while  the 
Lafifitte  ministry  was  under  consideration,  the  King,  at 
the  suggestion  of  Baron  Louis, — who  was  high  in  praise  of 
his  ability, — offered  Thiers  a  portfolio.  He  refused  the 
proffered  honor,  for  he  did  not  consider  himself  perfectly 
prepared  to  accept  it  ;  and  he  did  not  wish  to  retire  from 
the  Treasury  Department,  until  he  had  made  himself 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  all  the  details  of  this  im- 
portant and  complicated  branch  of  the  civil  service.  The 
King — who  desired  to  link  Thiers  more  closely  with  his 
own  fortunes — insisted  in  vain.  The  young  deputy — for 
the  electors  of  Aix  had  sent  him  to  the  Chamber — would 
only  take  the  post  of  Under-Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
under  his  friend  M.  Laffitte,  who  had  succeeded  Baron 
Louis  and  who  was  also  Prime  Minister. 

The  friends  of  the  new  monarchy  differed  from  the 
first  concerning  the  line  of  policy  that  should  be  followed. 
One  party  wished  "  to  keep  within  the  narrowest  limits, 
the  changes  of  dynasty  or  institutions,"  as  Guizot  said  in 
November,  1830;  the  other,  according  to  the  words  of 
Lafayette,  desired  a  monarchy  "  surrounded  with  repub- 
lican institutions."  Lafifitte  took  ground  with  Lafayette. 
Thiers,  too,  seemed  to  hold  the  same  views,  but  he  had  not 
yet  committed  himself  in  the  tribune  to  either  party.  He 
had  only  occasionally,  in  coming  to  the  aid  of  M.  Laffitte, 
taken   part   in    the  discussions    concerning  the   finances. 


6o  Life  of  Thiers.  [1830. 

Thiers  had  many  grave  obstacles  to  conquer  in  acquir- 
ing the  art  of  oratory.  M.  de  Cormenin  says  of  him  at 
this  period :  "  He  has  no  figure,  no  stature,  no  grace.  He 
resembles  the  little  barbers  of  the  south,  who  go  about 
from  door  to  door  offering  their  services.  In  his  prattle 
there  is  something  of  the  gamin.  His  twang  grates  on, 
the  ear.  The  tribune  comes  up  to  his  shoulders  and  hides 
him  from  his  hearers.  Physical  disadvantages,  distrust 
in  his  enemies  and  friends,  all  are  against  him."  The 
portrait  is  exaggerated  both  physically  and  morally ;  it 
borders  upon  caricature ;  it  is  painted  by  the  hand  of  an 
enemy.  Thiers  was  small  but  not  ridiculously  so ;  he  had 
a  harsh  and  piercing  voice,  but  it  was  not  nasal.  It  is 
true  that  he  did  not  possess  the  external  graces,  which 
taken  together  make  up  what  Buffon  calls  "  the  eloquence 
of  the  organs,"  and  which  have  such  a  powerful  effect  on 
assemblages  of  men.  His  greatest  fault,  however,  at  his 
dtfbut,  was  the  homage  that  he  paid  to  the  oratorical  style 
then  in  vogue,  a  sort  of  academical  or  classical  species  of 
oratory,  which  was  not  suited  to  his  talents,  which  ran 
counter  to  a  nature  that  was  full  of  animation,  impulsive, 
formed  of  fire  and  flame  like  that  of  the  Hippogriff  of 
Ariosto.  For  this  reason  his  oratorical  powers  did  not 
immediately  appear  in  their  true  light,  and  his  enemies 
questioned  whether  he  had  any.  "  But  it  did  not  take 
him  long,"  says  M.  Cuvillier-Fleury,  "  to  learn  the  proper 
bearing  and  gestures  of  the  tribune,  to  acquaint  himself 
with  the    echoes  of  the  Chamber,    and  to  give  the  right 


^T.  33.]  Tlie  yuly  Monarchy.  61 

modulation  to  his  voice,  which  was  always  heard  because 
always  listened  to.  The  speech  that  he  delivered  on 
December  9th,  1830, — his  first  set  speech  —  displayed 
some  of  the  best  qualities  of  his  oratory.  This  first  pro- 
duction, this  first  effusion  from  a  source  which  was  to 
prove  itself  so  rich,  was  marked  by  Thiers's  characteristic 
clearness  in  treating  of  a  multitude  of  details.  There  was 
a  charm  in  its  very  length,  in  the  varied  development  of 
the  same  idea,  in  the  spirited  insistence  of  the  speaker, 
in  the  increased  animation  produced  alike  by  accord  or 
opposition,  so  that  the  greatest  effects  of  eloquence  were 
realized."  * 

This  maiden  speech  of  Thiers's  concerned  a  question 
which  set  by  the  ears  the  different  parties  of  the  Chamber, 
the  friends  of  the  French  Revolution  against  the  coun- 
ter-revolutionists, the  new  monarchy  against  that  which 
it  had  supplanted.  It  was  nominally  a  discussion  about 
the  further  indemnity  of  the  emigrants  —  the  royal- 
ists who  fled  from  France  in  the  stormy  era  of  1789, — but 
in  reality  it  concerned  the  legitimacy  of  the  French 
Revolution  ;  for  to  compensate  its  enemies  for  losses  suf- 
fered by  them  while  its  friends  were  disregarded,  was  to 
condemn  the  Revolution  by  obliging  it  to  disgorge.  The 
great  orator  Berryer  and  the  Count  Alexis  de  Noaillesf  led 
the  opposition.  Thiers  spoke  several  times  in  his  capacity 
of  an  official  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and,  though  he 

*  Journal  des  D^bats,  September  30tli.  1857. 

f  The  Count  deNoailles,  (1783- 1835),  statesmen  and  philanthropist  ;<lcpuly 
during  the  Restoration  ;  and  a  strong  legitimist  throughout  his  whole  lilo. 


62  Life  of  Thiers.  [1830. 

had  never  as  yet  fallen  below  his  subject,  it  was 
especially  on  this  occasion  that  he  attracted  atten- 
tion. He  was  in  his  element  and  felt  himself 
equal  to  the  emergency.  He  strongly  held  that 
the  acts  which  had  deprived  the  emigrants  of  their 
property  were  just;  that  indemnity  was  an  iniquity; 
responded  briefly  but  clearly  to  all  the  arguments  of  the 
other  side;  and  closed  by  summing  up  the  underlying 
principles  of  the  new  Government.  It  was  a  masterpiece 
of  forensic  oratory,  if  oratory  consists  in  acting  on  men  by 
responding  to  their  feelings,  and  if  it  is  measured  by  the 
effect  produced.  Thiers  was  the  mouth-piece  of  the 
Chamber  and  the  country,  in  their  opinion  of  the  emi- 
gration and  the  Revolution,  as  well  as  the  organ  of  the 
Government;  and,  judging  from  the  exclamations  of  ap- 
probation or  disapprobation  that  are  found  in  the  of^cial 
report  of  the  speech,  it  evidently  stirred  up  the  passions 
of  the  Chamber.  The  public,  too,  eagerly  commented 
upon  the  speech.  It  was  a  success, — perhaps  not  an  as- 
tounding one, — but  the  first  link  of  a  chain  which  was  to 
be  so  brilliant,  and  in  which — as  M.  Barthelemy---St. 
Hilaire*  once  remarked — there  was  no  break. 

When  Thiers  gave  himself  up  to  a  cause,  he  gave  him- 
self up  entirely  ;  when  he  marked  out  a  course  of  action, 

*Barthelemy.  St.  Hilaire,  born  in  1805,  is  well-known  as  philosopher, 
statesmen,  and  professor.  He  signed  the  protest  of  the  journalists  in  1830  ; 
was  deputy  under  the  Pvepublic  of  1848  ;  was  forced  to  resign  his  professor- 
ship in  the  College  de  France  by  Napoleon  III  ;  became  the  confidential 
friend  of  Thiers  during  the  latter's  presidency,  and  was  deputy  from  1871, 
until  made  life  senator,  which  position  he  now  (1878)  holds. 


.-Ex.  33.]  ^^^  yuly  Monarchy.  63 

he  followed  it  to  the  end.  It  was  not  his  nature  to  do 
things  by  halves,  nor  to  abandon  what  he  had  undertaken. 
To  him  the  July  Monarchy  was  a  step  in  advance  in  the 
onward  progress  of  the  French  Revolution  ;  but  it  was 
not  a  disorderly  or  a  too  precipitous  progression,  which 
would  expose  itself  to  defeat  or  rout,  as  happened  in  1848. 
Thiers's  aim  was  to  defend  the  new  Government  from  its 
enemies,  its  friends  and  itself  .*  from  its  enemies,  the  legi- 
timists and  the  republicans,  who  were  still  very  powerful, 
since  the  first  were  masters  of  the  rural  districts,  the  sec- 
ond, dominant  in  some  of  the  great  cities  ;  from  its  friends, 
who  over-zealous,  might  cause  a  deviation  from  its  princi- 
ples ;  and  finally  from  itself,  from  the  tendency  of  the 
executive  to  arrogate  powers  not  belonging  to  him,  and 
who  not  content  to  play  his  own  part  in  the  orchestra, 
(to  borrow  a  favorite  comparison  of  Louis-Philippe  him- 
self,) wished  to  be  the  leader,  the  composer,  and  the  player 
of  all  the  instruments,  if  such  a  thing  were  possible.* 

From  this  point  of  view,  the  policy  of  Thiers  in  the 
different  ministerial  positions  which  he  held  from  1832  to 
1840  is  easily  explained  and  cleared  up,  whether  we  re- 
gard him  as  Minister  of  the  Interior  or  Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs  ;  for  his  foreign  policy  was  closely  allied  with 
the  principles  of  the  July  Dynasty,  as  well  as  with  the  in- 
terests of  the  French  Revolution,  which  to  him  were  the 
glory  of  France. 

*  Louis-Philippe  often  expressed  regret  at  not  being  able  to  defend  his 
policy  in  the  tribune  of  the  Chamber. 


64  Life  of  Thiers.  [1832. 

After  the  death  of  Casimir  Perier,  in  May  1832,  Thiers 
became  Minister  of  the  Interior,  then  head  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  PubUc  Works,  and  finally  went  back  to  the  Inte- 
rior again,  where  he  remained  until  February  22nd,  1836, 
when  his  reputation  had  so  increased  that  he  was  made 
Prime  Minister  with  the  portfolio  of  the  Foreign  office. 
In  about  six  months  the  M0I6  ministry  came  into  power 
— the  first  attempt  at  personal  goverment — and  Thiers 
was  thrown  into  the  Opposition.  In  March,  1840,  he  is 
again  Prime  Minister  with  the  portfolio  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs. In  all  these  changes  he  ever  remains  faithful  to 
his  plan,  ever  like  himself. 

The  close  of  the  Perier  ministry  was  profoundly  agita- 
ted by  popular  disturbances  and  external  and  internal 
political  questions.  Thiers  took  part  in  the  discussions 
in  the  Chamber,  where,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  public, 
he  advocated  among  other  measures  not  in  accord  with 
his  former  principles,  the  theory  of  an  hereditary  peer- 
age, which  he  pronounced  to  be  the  best  safeguard  for 
the  moderation  and  balance  of  power.  But,  though  very 
aggressive  and  brilliant,  he  played  only  a  secondary  role 
at  this  time.  After  the  death  of  Perier,  however,  he  took 
a  direct  and  responsible  part  in  the  councils  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  was  now  in  a  position  to  display  his  powers 
of  intelligence,  initiative  and  political  energy,  powers 
which  have  never  since  been  surpassed. 

This  was  the  most  troublesome  and  dramatic  epoch  of 
the  July  Monarchy,  the  most  fitting  for  the  play  of  that 


^T.  35.]  '^^^(^  y^^h'  MonarcJiy.  65 

spirit  of  combativeness  with  which  M,  Cuvillier-Fleury 
thinks  Thiers  was  so  largely  endowed.  It  was  a  period 
of  desperate  struggles  and  stormy  skies,  but  nevertheless, 
the  best,  on  the  whole,  of  the  reign,  and  that  which  did  it 
the  most  honor. 

Thiers,  as  Minister  of  the  Interior,  supported  the  brunt 
of  the  charge.  The  tempest  assailed  him  on  three  sides : 
the  legitimist  insurrection  in  La  Vendee  which  was  smoth- 
ered, however,  in  its  germ,  and  which  in  its  dc'noilement 
bordered  on  the  ridiculous,  the  revolts  at  Paris  and  at 
Lyons  which  were  drowned  in  blood. 

Thiers  has  always  come  to  power  in  extremely  critical 
moments.  He  is  said  to  have  remarked,  "  It  must  be 
that  Providence  has  great  confidence  in  me  ;  for,  when- 
ever I  am  called  to  the  front,  the  most  embarrassing  af- 
fairs seem  to  await  my  treatment."  It  is  certain  at  least, 
that  at  the  moment  when  death  carried  off  Casimir  Perier, 
a  weighty  inheritance,  a  perilous  and  complicated  situa- 
tion, was  left  to  his  successors,  and  especially  to  Thiers. 
The  legitimist  party,  champing  its  bit,  was  in  a  state  of 
agitation  in  the  western  departments ;  the  republican 
party,  more  redoutable  than  the  foregoing, though  humbled 
at  the  funeral  of  General  Lamarque,  *  had  not  disarmed  ; 
while    the    Belgian    expedition  f — forced    upon    France 

*  General  Lamarque  (1770-1S32),  a  distinguished  officer  of  Napoleon  I,  and 
a  liberal  statesman,  his  funeral  at  Paris  was  seized  upon  by  the  republicans  to 
make  a  demonstration  against  the  July  Government. 

f  Belgium  rebelled  against  Holland  soon  after  the  Revolution  of  1830  ;  its 
independence  was  recognized  by  the  great  powers,  and  the  crown  was  be- 
stowed upon  Prince  Leopold,  who  had  married  the  eldest  daughter  of  Louis- 


66  Life  of  Thiers.  [1832. 

by  circumstances — threatened  to  produce  a  European  com- 
plication. Providence,  therefore,  had  not  spared  the  man 
in  whom  it  had  confidence.  Thiers  did  not  of  course  do 
everything,  but  he  bore  the  heaviest  load,  for  he  was  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  and  it  was  there  that  lay  the 
greatest  dif^culties,  the  greatest  dangers. 

The  Vendean  insurrection,  undertaken  against  the 
wishes  of  the  legitimist  leaders,  Chateaubriand,  Berryer, 
and  others,  pertains  as  much  to  romance  as  to  history. 
The  Duchess  of  Berry,  the  mother  of  "  Henry  V,"  as  the 
legitimists  love  to  style  their  chief,  the  Count  of  Cham- 
bord,  threw  herself  into  the  venture,  not  so  much  like 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  as  like  Diana  Vernon,  or  rather  the 
Duchess  of  Longueville.  But  she  had  misjudged  public 
opinion.  The  peasants  of  La  Vendee  were  not  in  the  least 
disposed  to  take  up  arms  for  their  king ;  the  nobles  and 
the  priests  even  in  La  Vendee  and  in  Brittany,  notwith- 
standing their  hatred  of  the  new  Government,  felt  them- 
selves powerless.  A  half  dozen  noblemen  died  bravely 
near  Clisson,  and  this  was  all.  The  mass  of  the  popula- 
tion, though  on  Vendean  soil,  did  not  move.  Kindly 
welcome  and  ardent  promises  of  devotion  were  about  all 
the  princess  could  obtain. 

If  the  legitimists  were  to  give  the  principle  reason  of 
the  obstinate  hatred  with  which  they  have  pursued 
Thiers,  and  which  has  not  passed  away  with  him,  it  would 

Philippe.  The  King  of  Holland  refused  to  recognize  the  independence  of 
Belgium,  but  England  and  France  opposed  him,  and  the  latter  sent  an  army 
against  Antwerp  in  November  1832,  which  brought  Holland  to  terms. 


^T.  35.]  The  yuly  Monarchy  67 

be,  we  think,  his  conduct  as  Minister  of  the  Interior  dur- 
ing the  insurrection  of  La  Vendee.  They  could  forgive 
him  a  revolution  which  snatched  from  them  the  crown;  but 
they  could  not  forgive  him  one  measure  or  one  act  which 
had  for  its  object  to  expose  to  public  malignity  their 
sovereign's  mother,  whose  virtues  they  sang  among  the 
faithful,  nor  the  laying  bare  to  the  world  the  feebleness  of 
the  woman  whose  heroism  they  had  hoped  to  turn  to  the 
profit  of  their  cause. 

One  day  Thiers  received  an  anonymous  letter.  The 
writer  offered  for  a  sum  of  money  to  deliver  up  to  him 
the  Duchess  of  Berry.  The  rendezvous  for  the  explana- 
tion of  the  conditions  and  means  of  execution  was  to  be 
the  Allee  des  Veuves*  in  the  Champs-Elys^es.  Thiers 
scented  treason.  The  means  were  not  very  honorable, 
but  he  did  not  hesitate  however,  for  it  was  a  question  of 
public  peace  ;  and  what  else  but  licensed  deception  is  the 
secret  service,  a  regular  weapon  of  government  ? 

The  minister  went  to  the  appointed  rendezvous.  He 
found  there  a  Jew  named  Deutz,  who  was  in  the  service 
of  the  duchess  and -enjoyed  her  confidence.  The  stipula- 
tions agreed  upon,  Deutz  made  known  the  retreat  of  the 
duchess,  at  that  moment  at  Nantes,  and  the  more  im- 
portant fact  that  she  was  pregnant.  We  need  not  speak 
of  her  capture,  of  her  imprisonment  in  the  fortress  at 
Blaye,  of  her  almost  public  accouchement,  and  of  her  con- 
sequent disgrace.  The  woman  had  killed  the  heroine ; 
*  To-day,  Avenue  Montaigne. 


68  Life  of   Thiers.  [1832-34. 

the  July  Monarchy  had  dealt  a  deadly  blow  at  the  legiti- 
mist cause. 

The  struggle  with  the  republicans  was  more  serious 
and  more  tragic.  It  demanded  of  the  young  minister 
the  employment  of  more  vigorous  and  more  virile  quali- 
ties. 

The  republican  party  came  upon  the  scene  armed 
from  the  first  with  three  weapons,  namely,  the  principle  of 
populax_sgyerei^nty,  which,  though  invoked  by  the  revo- 
lution of  July,  was  nev^er  formally  established  by  it,  but 
which  was  in  1848  to  demand  its  logical  consequence,  uni- 
versal suffrage ;  secondly,  that  sentiment  of  patriotism, 
which  could  not  resign  itself  to  the  disasters  of  18 14  and 
18 1 5,  and  whose  illusions  and  hopes,  poetry,  history  and 
eloquence  vied  with  each  other  to  keep  alive ;  and  lastly, 
socialism,  which  existing  in  a  latent  state,  was  advanced 
only  as  a  germ  destined  to  develop.  And  these  forces, 
so  powerful  by  themselves,  were  organized  and  regulated 
by  secret  societies,  which  prepared  in  the  dark  a  serious 
danger  that  political  wisdom  could  perhaps  avert,  and 
which  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  avert  at  any  price,  if 
the  Government  would  not  perish. 

A  great  number  of  republican  disturbances  occurred  in 
different  cities  of  France  during  the  first  years  of  the  July 
Monarchy.  A  strike  among  the  silk  weavers  of  Lyons  in 
1834,  culminated  in  an  insurrection  on  the  sixth  ^f 
April.  This  same  day  Thiers  took  up  again  the  portfolio 
of  the  Interior  Department  which  he  had  laid  down  for 


^T.  35-37]  The  yuly  Alonarchy.  69 

that  of  Commerce  and  Public  Works.  In  the  first  phase 
of  the  Lyonnese  troubles  the  Government  had  been  leni- 
ent, but  Thiers,  seeing  how  the  republican  agitation  was 
spreading  from  city  to  city,  thought  a  different  course 
should  be  pursued,  and  wrote  to  the  Prefect  "  to  use  en- 
ergy if  the  sanctuary  of  justice  is  violated."  Energy  was 
indeed  employed  ;  for  five  days  Lyons  was  the  theatre  of 
a  violent  and  bloody  struggle. 

But  the  republicans  were  not  discouraged.  At  Paris 
some  audacious  and  able  leaders  had  organized  an  aggres- 
sive society.  Thiers,  "with  provident  boldness," — to  use 
the  words  of  Guizot, — arrested  the  leaders  of  the  Soci- 
ety of  the  Rights  of  Man,  and  seized  the  republican 
organ,  the  Tribune.  This  did  not,  however,  check  the 
threatened  outbreak.  On  April  13th,  1834 — on  the  recep- 
tion of  the  news  of  the  defeat  of  the  insurgents  at  Lyons — 
barricades  were  raised  at  Paris  in  the  most  populous 
quarters  on  both  sides  of  the  Seine.  A  terrible  contest 
ensued.  Thiers,  who  had  concerted  the  plan  with  Gen- 
eral Bugeaud,  wished  to  be  present  at  its  execution,  for 
he  was  possessed  of  rare  personal  courage.  He  left  the 
Hotel  de  Ville  in  company  with  the  general,  and  as  they 
were  passing  along  what  is  now  the  rue  du  Temple,  two 
shots  were  fired  at  Thiers,  who  was  easily  recognised  on  ac- 
count of  his  small  stature.  About  a  year  later,  when  the 
Corsican  Fieschi  exploded  his  infernal  machine  in  the  hopes 
of  killing  Louis-Philippe,  Thiers's  diminutivencss  stood 
him  in  good  stead,  for  the  bullets  that  would  have  struck 


70  Life  of  Thiers.  [1834-35. 

him  if  he  had  been  a  few  inches  taller,  passed  over  his 
head  and  killed  Marshal  Mortier,  who  was  at  his  side. 

The  following  episode,  which  occurred  one  night  dur- 
ing this  same  insurrection,  is  given  in  the  words  of  Guizot : 

"  M.  Thiers,  accompanied  by  General  Bugeaud,  wished 
to  see  for  himself  the  extent  of  the  combat  and  the  dan- 
ger. They  marched  along  by  the  houses  at  the  head  of 
a  little  column,  without  any  other  light  than  that  given  by 
lamps  in  some  of  the  windows,  which  fell  upon  the  uni- 
forms and  arms.  A  shot  from  a  cellar-grating  killed  one 
of  the  captains  ;  another  mortally  wounded  a  young  audi- 
tor of  the  state-council  bearing  a  message  to  M.  Thiers. 
As  they  advanced,  new  victims  fell,  and  they  looked  in 
vain  for  the  murderers.  As  soon  as  daylight  came  a  gen- 
eral attack  was  made  upon  the  insurgents.  *  *  * 
By  seven  o'clock,  A.M.  the  struggle  had  ceased,  the  insur- 
rection was  suppressed."* 

The  defeat  of  the  republican  party  in  these  various 
revolts  did  not  disarm  its  hatred  of  the  Government,  as 
was  proven  by  the  explosion  of  Fieschi's  infernal  ma- 
chine. Peace,  however,  reigned  in  the  streets  of  Paris, 
which  until  1848  was  only  slightly  disturbed  by  isolated 
affrays. 

Was  this  unfortunate  state  of  affairs  the  result  of  the 
energetic  measures  of  repression  that  had  been  employed, 
or  was  it  rather  due  to  diverse  acts,  diverse  laws  that  the 
ministry  had  had  recourse  to,  as  the  law   against  associa- 

*  M /moire s  de  Guizot,  T.  III.,  p.  247. 

/ 


iEx.  37-38]  "^^^  y^^h  Monarchy.  /i 

tions,  the  refusal  of  amnesty,  the  famous  enactments 
known  by  the  name  of  the  "  Laws  of  September,"  which 
annulled  all  the  liberal  legislation  concerning  the  press  in- 
augurated by  the  revolution  of  1830?  However  this 
may  be,  Thiers  felt  that  this  policy  of  force  had  served 
itg  time  and  that  it  was  fitting  to  enter  upon  a  new 
era. 

Public  opinion  pointed  in  this  direction.  The  laws  of 
September  had  stirred  up  the  whole  press,  and  some  of 
the  ablest  leaders  of  the  Chamber  began  to  break  with 
the  Government  in  its  repressive  policy.  Royer-Collard, 
the  most  considerable  among  them,  protested  against  it 
in  the  name  of  human  dignity.  He  developed,  with  a 
rare  elevation  of  thought  and  language,  the  idea  that  the 
evil  which  the  Government  pretended  to  remove  by  bitter 
and  cruel  palliatives,  was  not  an  evil  sprung  from  the 
events  of  the  day,  but  one  connected  with  a  series  of 
historical  facts  which  France  had  experienced,  the  tri- 
umphs of  force  over  right :  that  the  remedy — far  from 
being  where  the  Government  sought  it — could  only  be 
found  in  the  moral  sentiment  of  man,  in  respect  for 
human  dignity,  that  is,  in  liberty.* 

The  strength  of  the  liberal  dynastic  Opposition  was 
increased  by  the  general  discontent.  The  Government 
was  overstepping  justifiable  bounds.  A  party  was  being 
formed,  even  in  the  majority  in  the  Chamber,  composed 

♦See  the  MoniUur  of  August  26th,  1835. 


72  Life  of  Thiers.  [1836. 

of  strongmen,  like  Dupin,  Sauzet,*  Passy,t  Dufaure  %  and 
others,  whose  numbers  were  increasing  daily,  and  which 
was  plainly  leaning  towards  a  change  of  policy.  Thiers 
was  not  the  man  to  overlook  such  warnings. 

On  February  22nd,  1836,  Thiers  became  Premier  with 
the  portfolio  of  Foreign  Affairs.  If  Guizot  can  be  be- 
lieved, this  new  cabinet  resulted  from  considerations  for 
the  most  part  of  a  personal  nature.  Thiers  was  tired  of 
the  Interior  and  strongly  desired  the  ministry  of  For- 
eign Affairs :  he  did  not  like  the  Duke  de  Broglie,  who 
held  this  latter  position  ;  he  did  not  wish  to  appear  too 
intimately  united  with  the  Doctrinaires  ;  he  was  careful 
to  stand  forth  independently  of  them.  The  proof  of 
this,  according  to  Guizot,  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  new 
Cabinet  continued  the  interior  policy  of  its  predecessor, 
"  only  it  made  a  little  more  show  about  it."  No,  Guizot 
was  a  poor  observer,  or  had  a  poor  memory.  And 
strangely  enough  he  goes  on  to  say:  "  There  is  in  every 
great  human  enterprise  a  superior  and  governing  idea 
which  ought  to  be  the  fixed  point,  the  guiding  star  of 
those  who  are  called  to  play  a  part  in  it.  This  dominant 
idea,  this  great  light  of  1832,  disappeared  in  1836."     Now, 

*  Sauzet,  born  in  1800,  advocate, deputy  in  1834  ;  Minister  of  Justice  from 
1836  to  1847. 

f  Passy,  was  born  in  1793,  economist,  politician,  deputy  in  1830  ;  Minister 
of  the  Finances,  and  head  of  the  Department  of  Commerce  from  1834  to 
1840  and  from  1848  to  1849  ;   Peer  of  France  1843  ;  deputy  in  1849. 

it  Dufaure,  born  in  1798,  an  advocate  of  distinction;  deputy  in  1834; 
a  member  of  the  Council  of  State  during  the  Ministry  of  Thiers  in  1836,  and 
later  minister  of  Public  Works  ;  republican  deputy  and  minister  in  1848; 
Minister  of  Justice  under  Thiers's  presidency  ;  life  senator,  and  now  (1878)' 
premier  of  France. 


.^T.  39-] 


The    July  Monarchy.  73 


this  great  light  which  disappeared,  was  the  idea  of  resist- 
ance. The  change  of  ministry,  therefore,  brought  about 
more  than  an  apparent  modification  of  the  policy  of  the 
Government.  Conciliation  and  compromise  were  sub- 
stituted for  antagonism  and  force.  Able  minds,  and 
above  all  the  quick  brain  of  Talleyrand,  saw  that  it  was 
to  the  interest  of  the  new  royalty  and  to  the  welfare  of 
the  principles  that  it  represented,  that  the  course  pursued 
up  to  this  time  be  changed.  The  King  himself  had  been 
struck  by  the  power  and  progress  of  moderate  ideas  in 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  Thiers  was  too  attentive  to  the 
various  signs  of  the  time  not  to  see  the  change  that  had 
taken  place  in  the  public  mind.  It  is  puerile  to  search 
with  Guizot  for  an  explanation  of  facts  which  arise  from 
a  situation  of  public  affairs,  in  secondary  and  simple  per- 
sonal considerations.  It  is  true  that  the  new  Cabinet 
was  not  able  to  show  what  its  domestic  policy  was  to  be, 
was  not  able  to  carry  out  its  plans.  Complications  of 
foreign  policy  hindered  it  and  cut  it  short  in  the  midst  of 
its  career, 

Louis- Philippe  said  one  day  to  Guizot :  "  I  have  need 
of  M.  Thiers  or  you  in  the  Chamber."  He  might  rather 
have  said :  I  lean  first  to  one  of  you,  then  to  the  other, 
and  I  am  sometimes  embarrassed  to  chose  between  you. 
There  is  no  doubt,  in  fact,  that  the  King  was,  in  the  actual 
state  of  afTairs,  considerably  embarrassed.  He  preferred 
Thiers's  policy  at  home  and  Guizot's  abroad,  Thiers  for 
interior  affairs,  Guizot   for  foreign  affairs.     The  state  of 


74  Life  of  Thiers.  [1836-37. 

things  in  Spain  forced  him  to  determine  upon  a  choice. 
The  question  of  armed  intervention  in  this  country  had 
been  considered  in  the  last  ministry,  that  of  the  nth 
of  October,  as  it  was  called.  The  King  was  opposed  to 
intervention.  "  Let  us  aid  Spain,"  he  said  one  day,  "but 
let  us  not  ourselves  enter  into  their  bark.  If  we  get  in, 
we  must  take  the  helm,  and  God  only  knows  what  will  be- 
come of  us !"  The  whole  Cabinet,  except  M.  de  Montalivet, 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  confidant  and  personal  friend 
of  the  King,  favored  intervention,  and  decided  not  upon 
an  indirect  aid — the  King  was  resigned  to  this — but  upon 
an  immediate  and  effective  assistance.  Liberal  Spain 
demanded  it.  The  treaty  of  the  Quadruple  Alliance, 
which  united  the  constitutional  monarchies  of  England. 
France,  Spain,  and  Portugal,  seemed  to  force  France  so 
to  act.  The  King  recoiled  from  the  idea.  "  The  ice 
must  be  broken,"  said  Thiers ;  "  your  majesty  does  not 
wish  for  intervention ;  we  wish  it ;  I  will  resign."  And 
he  did  resign. 

Then  was  formed  the  Cabinet  which  was  destined  to 
be,  at  a  later  day,  the  object  of  the  Coalition.  Thiers  re- 
signed August  25th,  1836.  The  Mole  ministry  was  formed 
September  6th.  Guizot  was  Minister  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion in  the  new  Cabinet. 

In  the  summer  following  his  retirement,  Thiers  departed 
for  Italy.  A  history  of  Florence  had  occupied  his  mind  for 
some  time,  and  he  determined  to  take  advantage  of  this 
respite  from  political  duties  to  collect  on  the  spot  data 


Mr.  39-40.]  T/ie  July  Monarchy.  7  5 

for  the  book.  He  visited  Rome,  having  for  cicerone  the 
illustrious  painter,  M.  Ingres,  who  was  director  of  the 
Paris  School  of  Painting  in  that  city,  and  divided  his 
admiration  between  the  beautiful  remains  of  antiquity 
and  the  masterpieces  of  the  Renaissance.  Thence  he 
went  to  Florence.  The  approaching  opening  of  the 
Chamber  brought  him  back  to  Paris  November  3d,  1838. 
.  The  discussion  of  the  Address  *  in  response  to  the 
Speech  from  the  Throne  which  followed  the  meeting  of 
the  Chamber,  is  worthy  of  attention,  not  only  because 
it  gave  Thiers  an  opportunity  to  defend  the  foreign  pol- 
icy of  his  ministry  and  to  explain  its  nature,  but  because 
it  marks  the  beginning  of  his  opposition  to  Louis-Phil- 
ippe, and  because  it  was  the  almost  official  revelation  of 
the  King's  personal  policy,  a  sort  of  public  and  solemn 
denunciation  of  the  corruption  of  the  true  principles  of 
government. 

The  two  acts  of  Thiers's  administration  which  were 
misunderstood  were,  first,  the  demand  on  Switzerland 
for  the  expulsion  of  a  certain  person  named  Conseil,  who 
was  represented  as  a  dangerous  refugee,  but  who  was  in 
reality  an  agent  of  the  secret  service  of  France,  and  sec- 
ondly, the  question  of  Spanish  intervention. 

On  January  13th,  1837,  the  Conseil  matter  came  up,  and 
the  next  day  the  Spanish  question.  Thiers  spoke  on 
both  occasions.     Concerning  the  first  affair,  he  recounted 

*Thc  "  Address"  war  the  response  of  the  Chamber  to  the  "Speech  from 
the  Throne." 


76  Life  of  Thiers.  I-1837. 

the  facts  and  said  simply  "  that  he  acted  honestly  in  de- 
manding the  expulsion  of  Conseil,  for  he  supposed  him 
to  be  not  a  spy,  but  a  refugee ;  that  he  had  made  the 
criminative  requisition  on  the  representations  of  the  Min- 
ister of  the  Interior;"  and  he  added,  addressing  to  his 
opponents  these  words,  which  should  be  remembered: 
"You  have  had  recourse  to  a  collective  responsibility, 
that  of  the  president  of  the  Council  of  ministers.  One 
has  a  right,  you  say,  to  turn  to  him  for  all  the  affairs  of 
the  Cabinet.  That  is  true ;  I  was  president  of  the  Coun- 
cil, and  I  ought,  therefore,  to  be  responsible.  Here  is 
my  answer :  Yes,  as  president,  I  ought  to  have  known 
everything,  but  I  did  not ;  I  should  have  been  told 
everything,  but  I  was  not.  Now  it  is  yours  to  find  on  these 
seats  the  person  on  whom  rests  the  real  responsibility." 

Concerning  the  Spanish  question,  he  spoke  several 
hours,  giving  with  admirable  clearness  the  whole  his- 
tory of  the  matter  and  ably  justifying  his  policy.  But 
he  did  not  stop  here ;  he  let  it  be  known  that  the  King 
had  a  contrary  policy  which  had  put  an  end  to  the  min- 
istry, and  which  should  be  the  real  object  of  inquiry. 

A  graver  statement  could  not  have  been  made.  Roy- 
alty found  itself  thus  unceremoniously  discovered.  The 
spectre  of  personal  government  reappeared  again ;  its 
return  to  the  Tuileries  was  publicly  denounced,  and  it 
was  done  by  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Constitutional 
Monarchy,  by  the  one  of  them  perhaps  the  most  powerful  ■ 

The  sensation  was  profound.     The  Joiirjial  des  De'bats 


^T.4o.]  The  July  Monarchy.  yy 

said  the  day  before  this  speech  was  delivered :  "  We  be- 
lieve that  M.  Thiers  belongs  to  the  majority  by  indissol- 
uble ties;  he  has  associated  his  future  with  that  of  the 
majority  by  six  years  of  glorious  solidarity;  he  has, 
therefore,  a  marked  position  in  the  ranks  of  this  major- 
ity, which  is  astonished  to  find  him  no  longer  at  its  head. 
Will  M.  Thiers  choose  another  position?"  This  sprang 
from  inquietude,  but  after  the  speech,  inquietude  gave 
place  to  irritation.  Thiers,  by  bringing  the  King  in  ques- 
tion, was  accused  of  betraying  the  secrets  of  the  council. 
He  did  not  try  to  defend  his  conduct  on  other  ground 
than  that  he  had  been  driven  to  it  by  legitimate  defense. 
The  rupture  that  the  Journal  des  Debats  feared  was 
therefore  consummated  ;  but  it  was  not  only  a  rupture 
with  the  majority,  but,  what  was  more  grave,  with  roy- 
alty. Thiers  felt  that  his  principles  required  of  him 
such  a  course.  It  is  certain  that  the  King's  secret  inter- 
meddling in  politics,  his  pretension — which  he  carried  into 
effect — to  a  policy  of  his  own,  a  personal  action  distinct 
from  that  of  his  responsible  ministers,  by  which  he  dis- 
pensed with  them  —  all  this  it  was  difificult  to  reconcile 
with  Thiers's  vigorous  maxim,  "the  King  reigns,  but 
does  not  govern."  Thiers's  conduct  is  perhaps  strength- 
ened by  the  fact  that  Guizot,  who  was  a  member  of  this 
same  cabinet  attacked  by  Thiers,  was  soon  led  (on  April 
15th,  1837,)  to  separate  from  it  and  take  part,  in  the  name 
of  the  same  principle,  in  the  celebrated  coalition  formed 
against  M.  Mol<5. 


78  Life  of  Thiers.  {-1837. 

The  period  at  which  we  have  now  arrived  is  full  of 
interest  to  the  history  of  the  parliamentary  government 
in  France,  and  to  the  general  history  of  the  parties  which 
then  disputed  and  still  dispute  for  the  control  of  the 
country.  It  comprises  Louis  Napoleon's  fiasco  at  Stras- 
burg  in  1836;  the  acquittal  of  his  accomplices  by  the 
jury;  the  changes  in  the  Mole  ministry,  from  which,  as 
we  have  just  said,  Guizot  resigned,  and  which  adopted 
the  conciliatory  policy  of  its  predecessor ;  the  promise 
made  by  Thiers  to  the  King  to  come  to  the  aid  of  the 
Cabinet  thus  modified,  into  which,  furthermore,  his  friends 
of  the  Left-Centre  *  had  entered  ;  a  most  brilliant  oratori- 
cal struggle  between  Guizot  and  Thiers  concerning  the 
secret  service  appropriations,  on  which  occasion  the  an- 
tagonism between  the  statesmen  burst  forth  in  clear  day ; 
and,  in  fine,  certain  events  arising  from  the  foreign  pol- 
icy of  the  country,  which  threw  Thiers  back  into  the  Op- 
position again.  But 'let  us,  for  the  present,  pass  over  all 
this  and  devote  ourselves  to  the  Coalition. 

Royer-Collard  said  one  day,  in  speaking  of  the  Coalition, 

*  The  terms  generally  employed  to  designate  the  parlimentary  parties  in 
France,  are  the  Right,  (conservatives),  the  Centre,  (liberals),  and  the  Left, 
(radicals.)  Sub-divisions  are  made  into  Extreme  Right,  (ultra-conservatives). 
Extreme  Left,  (ultra-radicals),  Left-Centre,  (advanced  liberals),  etc.  The 
political  opinions  of  these  groups  change  with  the  epoch  of  French  history 
under  consideration.  During  the  July  Monarchy  they  might  be  thus  desig- 
nated :  Right,  (legitimists,)  Centre,  (constitutional  monarchists).  Left,  (re- 
publicans and  radical  monarchists).  To-day,  however,  we  may  say  :  Right, 
(legitimists,  Orleanists,  and  Bonapaitists,)  Centre,  (liberal  republicans).  Left, 
(radicals).  It  is  diiificult  to  be  exact  in  these  divisions,  but  a  general  rule 
places  the  conservatives  on  the  right,  the  radicals  on  the  left,  and  between 
these  two  extremes  are  ranged  various  groups  whose  political  opinions  often 
merge  one  into  another. 


/Et.  40.]  The  July  Mo7iarchy,  79 

'*  I  have  seen  better,  I  have  seen  worse,  but  I  never  saw 
anything  like  this."  Royer-Collard  would  not  have  said 
this  if  he  had  troubled  himself  to  look  below  the  surface. 
Perhaps,  too,  he  wished  to  point  an  epigram.  The  question, 
though  less  grave  and  of  a  different  form,  was  nevertheless 
the  same  as  that  which  had  produced  the  liberal  move- 
ment of  1828-9,  and  which  had  inspired  and  dictated  the 
famous  Address  which  the  King,  Charles  X,  had  heard 
from  the  mouth  of  Royer-Collard  himself.  It  was  again 
a  question  of  personal  government  or  the  government  of 
the  country  by  the  country.  Louis-Philippe  never  said,  as 
has  been  pretended,  "  the  government,  it  is  I."  But  he 
had  a  policy  of  his  own,  and  he  took  care  that  it  should 
be  known.  He  did  not  attack  the  prerogatives  of  repre- 
sentative government,  but  he  perverted  them.  Guizot, 
in  explaining  his  entry  into  the  Coalition,  has  said  that 
"  the  part  that  the  Chamber  took  in  the  government  was 
not  large  enough,"  that  "  the  Cabinet  of  April  15th,  (the 
second  M0I6  ministry,  gazetted  in  1837,)  was  not  able  to 
establish  between  the  Crown  and  the  Chamber  that 
cordial  understanding  and  active  harmony  which,  under  a 
representative  form  of  government,  alone  can  guarantee 
the  force  and  security  of  power,  by  centring  in  the  min- 
isters the  whole  responsibility  of  it."  *  There  was  enough 
ground  here,  to  unite  in  one  common  action  men  divided 
on  many  other  points,  like  Thiers,  Guizot,  Odillon    Bar- 

•  M^m.  de  Guizot,  T.  I.  p.  287. 


8o  Life   of    Thiers.  [1837. 

rot,*  Arago,  the  astronomer,  and  Michel  de  Bourges,  and 
to  give  some  show  of  reason  to  the  Coalition.  Personal 
government  has  always  been  the  bugbear  of  enlightened 
Frenchmen  ;  they  have  only  been  divided  on  the  means 
of  combating  it,  and  of  finding  the  best  form  of  gov- 
ernment that  will  guard  against  it  for  the  present  and 
the  future. 

Thiers  directed  the  campaign,  for  he  alone  of  the  dis- 
affected leaders  combined  in  himself  the  antecedents,  the 
influence  and  the  ability  to  secure  the  success  of  the  en- 
terprise. He  was  the  leader  of  the  Left-Centre.  He  had 
in  the  Left  and  even  in  the  majority  men  upon  whom  he 
could  count.  He  had  powerful  supporters  in  the  press, 
and  when  they  were  wanting  he  knew  how  to  create  them. 

The  efforts  of  a  political  leader  in  France  are  exerted 
in  various  directions,  in  the  press,  in  the  lobbies  of  the 
Chamber,  in  the  salons,  in  the  tribune.  It  may  be  said 
that  the  press  prepares  the  arms  and  the  munitions  of 
war,  that  the  talk  in  the  lobbies  and  salons  sounds  the 
disposition  of  the  troops,  animating  some,  sustaining 
others,  giving  courage  to  the  timid,  hope  to  the  ambitious, 
assigning  to  the  captains  their  parts  and  placing  them  at 
their  posts.  Then  only  is  it,  after  all  these  preliminaries, 
that  the  leader  plants  his  flag  in  the  tribune  and  deploys 
before  the  enemy. 

Thiers,  who  of  course,  excelled  in  this  last  decisive  part 

*Barrot,  (1791 ),  advocate  and  liberal  statesmen  ,  belonged  to  the  Left 

under  the  July  Monarchy  ;  to  the  Right  under  the  Republic  of  1848  ;  and  was 
an  enemy  of  the  Empire. 


/Ex.  40.]  "^he  yuly  Monarchy.  8i 

of  the  action,  was  not  less  remarkable  in  the  others.  To 
a  profound  knowledge  of  men  and  of  the  means  of  in- 
fluencing  them,  he  added  a  peculiar  talent  for  working 
upon  the  press  and  making  it  turn  in  his  orbit. 

One  word  on  this  last  point.  Thiers  had  promised  the 
King  to  support  the  ministry  of  April  15th,  whose  domes- 
tic policy  was  a  reflection  of  his  own ;  but  the  reflection 
soon  became  so  dull  that  it  was  scarcely  visible,  and  the 
foreign  policy,  on  the  other  hand,  had  so  changed  by  the 
abandonment  of  Ancona  *  that  it  was  no  longer  possible 
for  Thiers  even  to  seem  to  stand  by  the  ministry.  The 
overthrow  of  M.  Mole  and  the  paving  of  the  way  for  a 
new  policy  were  to  be  the  great  questions  of  the  new 
session  of  the  Chamber  that  was  about  to  open.  Thiers, 
as  we  have  said,  left  for  Italy  in  the  month  of  June,  1837. 
While  studying  there  the  wonders  of  art  and  the  great 
battle-fields  of  Bonaparte,  he  was  watching  with  an  atten- 
tive eye  the  mistakes  of  M.  Mole,  the  movements  of  pub- 
lic opinion,  and  was  endeavoring,  among  other  means  of 
putting  an  end  to  a  condemned  policy,  to  influence  the 
course  of  the  newspapers  which  were  open  to  him,  both 
by  instructions  and  advice,  sketching  out  a  plan  for  the 
campaign  for  this  one,  suggesting  the  manceuvres  and 
evolutions  that  this  other  one  should  carry  out.f 

*  The  French  took  possession  of  Ancona,  on  February  22cl,  1832,  in  order 
to  protect  Italy  from  the  aggressionsof  the  Pope  through  Austrian  assistance. 
This  popuh-ir  measure  of  Casimir  I'erier  was  undone  by  Mole,  who  withdrew 
the  French  garrison  in  1838,  thus  giving  a  triumph  to  Austria  and  the  Pope, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  increasing  his  own  and  the  King's  unpopularity. 

f  Sec,  on  this  point,  among  Thicrs's  letters  irom  Italy  at  this  period,  that 
dated,  June  24th,  1838,  written  to  M.  Veron,  editor-in-chief  of  the  important 
newspaper  of  the  epoch,  the  Constitutionnel. 


82  Life  of   Thiers. 


[1838. 


The  struggle  began  at  the  opening  of  the  session  in 
December,  1838.  The  committee  of  deputies  appointed 
to  draw  up  the  customary  Address  to  the  King,  pro- 
nounced for  the  poHcy  of  the  CoaHtion.  It  criticised  the 
whole  foreign  policy  of  M.  Mole  and  the  interior  adminis- 
tration which  showed  too  plainly  the  hand  of  the  King. 
This  last  was  the  capital  point  of  the  Address.  It  recalled 
particularly  the  glorious  origin  of  the  monarchy  in  order 
to  give  the  Tuileries  to  understand  that  this  origin  had 
not  been  forgotten.  It  laid  especial  stress  on  the  insignifi- 
cance of  the  ministry,  in  order  to  clearly  point  out  the  pre- 
tensions of  the  King  to  govern  himself  and  to  impose  his 
personal  policy.     In  closing,  the  committee  said  : 

*'  We  are  convinced.  Sire,  that  the  intimate  union  of  the 
public  powers  kept  within  their  constitutional  limits  can 
alone  effect  the  country's  security  and  the  strength  of 
your  government.  A  firm  and  able  administration,  rest- 
ing on  noble  sentiments,  causing  your  throne  to  be  re- 
spected without  and  reminding  it  of  its  responsibility 
within,  is  the  best  guarantee  of  that  co-operation  which 
we  heartily  desire  to  lend  you.  Let  us  trust.  Sire,  in  the 
virtue  of  our  institutions.  They  guarantee,  be  assured, 
your  rights  and  ours  ;  for  we  consider  it  as  an  established 
fact,  that  the  constitutional  monarchy  secures  at  the 
same  time  your  rights  and  ours." 

The  reading  of  the  Address  created  a  great  agitation  in 
the  Chamber,  an  agitation  that  can  be  easily  explained, 
for  the  document  that  provoked   it  was  a  rupture  not 


jEr.  41.]  ^/^^  !/ufy  Monarchy.  83 

only  with  th.e  ministry,  but  with  the  Crown,  and  the 
symptom  of  a  division  in  the  majority. 

The  discussion  that  it  gave  rise  to  proved  this  :  M. 
Mol^  committed  the  fault  of  feeble  men  in  weak  posi- 
tions. He  forgot  the  noble  words  of  Casimir  Perier, 
addressed  to  his  supporters:  "In  parliamentary  strug- 
gles never  seek  to  dishonor  your  opponents.  It  is  de- 
basing France  herself."  The  ministry  of  April  15th,  con- 
trary to  this  high  principle  and  patriotic  sentiment, 
attempted  to  change  the  nature  of  the  debate,  to  dis- 
figure it,  to  contract  it  to  the  proportions  of  a  personal 
fray,  by  representing  Thiers  and  Guizot  as  ambitious 
men,  who  opposed  the  government  because  they  had 
been  ousted  from  power,  and  this  opposition  as  a  sort  of 
parliamentary  and  constitutional  Fronde.  The  Journal 
des  Dtfbats,  developing  this  idea,  and  pretending  to  see 
no  difference  between  the  policy  of  the  Cabinet  and  that 
which  the  two  ex-ministers  had  followed,  published,  the 
very  day  the  discussion  began,  one  of  the  bitterest  and 
most  caustic  articles  that  ever  came  from  the  pen  of 
Saint-Marc  Girardin.*     Here  is  a  portion  of  the  article: 

"  We  hear  people  ask  concerning  the  Coalition,  vio- 
lent measures  and  the  refusal  of  co-operation.  What  is 
the  matter?  M.  Thiers  and  M.  Guizot  are  not  ministers. 
*     *     *     What  is  different  to-day?     One  thing,  but  one 

*  Girardin  (1801-1873).  celebrated  professor,  writer,  journalist  and  politi- 
cian ;  Ijccame  deputy  in  1871.  His  articles  in  the  D3ats  and  in  the  A'e-c'ue 
des  Deux  Mondes  made  him  famous.  This  article,  though  not  signed,  is 
clearlj'  the  work  of  M.  Girardin. 


84  Life  of  Thiers.  [1838-39. 

single  thing:  M.  Guizot  and  M.  Thiers  are  not  ministers. 
That's  all  there  is  of  it.  Antwerp,  Poland,  Switzerland, 
the  conversion  of  funds,  the  maxim :  '  the  King  reigns 
but  does  not  govern,'  the  Coalition,  the  Address,  all  tend 
towards  this  same  end :  M.  Thiers  and  M.  Guizot  must 
be  ministers." 

Guizot,  who  had  perhaps  just  read  the  article  of  the 
Journal  des  Dc'bats  before  entering  the  tribune,  took  up 
the  accusation,  and  citing  the  words  of  Tacitus,  omnia 
servilitcr  pro  doininationc,  hurled  back  the  taunt  that  had 
been  flung  at  him  by  giving  M.  Mole  to  understand  that 
in  his  case  ambition  was  aggravated  by  servility.  Thiers, 
who  spoke  after  M.  Mole,  thought  fit  to  refer  to  the 
article  of  the  Dc'bats,  but  his  words  were  less  bitter. 
He  limited  his  remarks  to  what  everybody  knew,  namely, 
that  he  had  resigned  of  his  own  free  will  ;  that  he 
might  have  entered  the  new  Cabinet  if  he  had  wished; 
that  he  had  been  an  opponent  of  the  present  policy 
even  in  the  councils  of  the  Crown.  But  Thiers,  to 
speak  only  of  him,  did  not  stoop  in  this  debate  to  irritat- 
ing personalities,  and  immediately  elevated  the  tone  of 
the  discussion  by  placing  it  on  its  true  ground,  and  keep- 
ing it  there. 

M.  Doudan,  the  preceptor  of  the  Duke  de  Broglie,  one 
of  the  most  talented  men  of  an  epoch  and  a  society 
where  talent  was  not  lacking,  called  Thiers  "  the  intestine 
agitator  of  assemblies."  Thiers  possessed  in  a  high  de- 
gree the  art  of  producing  an  agitation  in  an  assemblv, 


.•et.  41-42.]  The  Jtily  Monarchy.  85 

of  keeping  it  up,  of  throwing  life  into  it ;  but  the  agita- 
tions of  his  making  were  not  aimless,  not  futile.  Thiers 
never  lost  himself  like  Guizot,  to  use  the  expression  of 
Cousin  concerning  the  latter,  in  sterility.  He  always  had 
an  object,  an  end  in  view.  The  agitation  that  he  created 
was  always  associated  with  a  clear,  precise  line  of  policy, 
and  he  knew  how  to  always  keep  it  within  fixed  limits. 

The  situation,  as  developed  by  the  Mole  ministry,  was 
very  simple;  the  Cabinet  had  become  the  instrument  of 
the  King's  policy,  and  this  policy,  the  character  of  which 
was  to  yield  too  much  abroad  and  to  concede  only  with 
bad  grace  at  home,  appeared  to  everybody — even  to  the 
most  enlightened  friends  of  the  Government  itself — to  be 
fatal.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  change  it,  and  to 
substitute  for  it  a  policy  which  should  be  firmer  and 
more  national  abroad  and  at  home  more  liberal,  more  in 
conformity  with  the  spirit  of  the  revolution  of  1830, 
which  was  made  against  personal  government ;  more  in 
conformity,  also,  with  the  best  interests  of  royalty,  which 
was  weakened  and  compromised  whenever  it  overstepped 
its  bounds.  The  whole  discussion  concerning  the  policy 
of  the  Mole  ministry  that  occurred  at  this  time  in  the 
Chamber,  which  reechoed  with  the  eloquence  of  Thiers, 
Guizot,  Bcrryer,  Lamartine,  Odillon  Barrot,  Garnicr-Pages, 
etc.,  was,  in  the  numerous  speeches  made  by  Thiers,  con- 
fined to  this  line  of  argument.  From  his  speech  deliv- 
ered on  October  7th,  1839,  we  make  a  few  extracts,  which 
show  his  independence  in  regard  to  the  Crown  and  the 


85  Life  of  Thiers.  [1839-40. 

elevated  reason  for  his  resistance  to  the  Crown  when  he 
was  led  to  oppose  it.  His  words  should  be  remembered, 
for  in  them  lies  the  secret  of  Thiers's  opposition  from 
1840  to  1848.  ~     ' 

"Gentlemen,  it  is  not  true  that  the  hearts  of  these 
men  (members  of  the  Coalition)  have  been  alienated ; 
they  are  devoted,  but  in  their  own  way.  Yes,  gentle- 
men, there  are  two  ways  of  being  devoted,  two  good  ex- 
amples of  which  are  known  to  you.  One  way  is  to 
always  serve  the  government,  even  when  it  is  in  the 
wrong;  not  to  dare  to  tell  it  the  truth,  not  to  have  the 
courage  to  break  with  it.  There  is  another  kind  of  de- 
votion which  is  much  better,  a  devotion  which  would 
always  save  governments,  if  it  were  always  practiced.  It 
consists  in  being  independent  of  the  government,  in  tell- 
ing it  the  truth,  in  not  following  it  when  it  errs.  *  * 
The  mistake  of  all  the  governments  which  have  pre- 
ceded us  lay  in  their  not  knowing  how  to  stop,  in  their 
going  too  far.  The  Revolution,  which  came  to  reform 
the  country,  covered  it  with  ruins.  The  Empire,  which 
ought  to  have  given  us  order  and  victory,  left  us  despot- 
ism and  defeat.  The  Restoration,  which  would  recon- 
cile the  ancient  monarchy  with  liberty,  ended  by  the 
coup  d'etat  and  divine  right.  Our  own  Government  does 
not  seem  to  know  where  to  stop." 

The  Coalition  finally  triumphed  on  March  ist,  1840, 
when  the  Mole  ministry  fell.  The  Chamber  had  dis- 
solved and  the  electors  had  been  consulted.    The  maxim 


^T.  41-42.]  The  July  Monarchy.  87 

"the  King  reigns,  but  does  not  govern,"  was  again  vic- 
torious. But  the  success  of  the  Coalition  did  not  put  an 
end  to  the  crisis.  It  called  for  a  ministry  composed  of 
Guizot,  Thiers  and  Odillon  Barrot.  But  Guizot  and 
Odillon  Barrot  were  too  widely  separated,  Thiers  and 
Guizot  could  unite,  but  the  Left  and  the  Left-Centre 
would  not  listen  to  it,  remembering  Guizot's  obstinacy 
in  carrying  out  the  policy  of  repression  that  the  Coal- 
ition had  done  so  much  to  crush.  Furthermore,  the 
King,  though  vanquished,  did  not  like  his  conquerors, 
and  he  would  not  accept  the  radical  Left.  "  God  only 
knows  whither  the  soldiers  are  leading  their  chiefs,"  he 
said  one  day  to  Guizot.  In  the  midst  of  this  political 
confusion,  a  republican  insurrection  broke  out  which 
created  more  excitement  in  a  few  hours  than  the  parlia- 
mentary agitations  had  done  in  two  months.  The  King 
tried  to  set  up  a  compromise  ministry  but  failed.  He 
was  forced  by  circumstances  to  call  on  Thiers,  who 
seemed  to  be  the  only  person  who  could  bring  order 
out  of  the  parliamentary  chaos  which  was  growing  worse. 
The  King  did  not  like  Thiers,  and  it  was  a  bitter  neces- 
sity which  drove  him  to  the  man  .who  had  done  so  much 
to  make  him  a  king.  "  I  sign  my  humiliation  to-mor- 
row," Louis-Philippe  remarked  on  February  28th,  1840. 
He  had  no  thoughts  of  a  coup  d'etat,  no  intentions  of 
reisting  openly  the  majority  in  the  Chamber.  He  con- 
fined himself  to  manifestations  of  bad  temper.  Thiers 
being  somewhat  embarrassed  to  find  a  minister  of  finan- 


88  Life  of  Thiers.  [1832-39. 

ces,  the  King  said,  "He  need  not  bother  himself  about 
that;  let  M.  Thiers  present  to  me  one  of  the  ministerial 
ushers;  I  give  up."  In  the  new  ministry, —  the  ministry 
of  March  ist,  1840 — Thiers  was  made  President  of  the 
Council,  with  the  portfolio  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Before  leaving  this  period  of  Thiers's  life,  we  wish  to 
recall  the  most  important  acts  of  his  two  ministries,  which 
we  have  had  to  pass  by,  in  order  to  show  more  clearly 
the  regular  development  of  his  dominant  thought.  Nor 
can  we  neglect  to  speak  of  his  employment  of  the  leisure 
moments  that  he  was  able  to  snatch  from  militant  poll, 
tics,  of  the  opinion  that  the  public  had  of  him,  and  of 
the  noise  that  his  name  produced,  for  all  this  forms  a 
part  not  only  of  his  own  history,  but  of  the  history  of 
his  time. 

The  political  events  of  the  early  part  of  Louis-Philippe's 
reign  had  left  commerce  and  industry  in  a  lamentable  con- 
dition. The  great  public  works  were  interrupted.  The 
highways,  the  canals,  the  light-houses  along  the  coast,  all 
demanded  immediate  attention.  In  Paris  there  was 
no  work.  At  this  crisis  Thiers  became  Minister  of  Com- 
merce and  Public  Works.  He  forthwith  called  the  at- 
tention of  the  Chamber  to  this  crying  condition  of  affairs, 
and  obtained  twenty  millions  of  dollars  to  be  applied  to 
public  improvements.  Then  it  was  that  the  Arc  de 
Triomphe  and  the  Madeleine  were  completed,  that  the 
column  in  the  Place  Vendome  was  inaugurated.  Yet 
many  monuments  remained  unfinished.     Paris  demanded 


I 


JET.  34-41.]  T/ie  July  Monarchy.  89 

new  embellishments.  When  Thiers  became  Premier  in 
1836,  his  first  act  was  to  ask  for  new  appropriations  to 
meet  the  necessary  expenses.  The  Column  of  July  and 
the  principal  adornments  of  the  Place  de  la  Concorde 
were  the  result  of  this  demand. 

Amid  the  many  duties  imposed  by  public  life,  amid 
the  agitations,  complications  and  struggles  of  this  stormy 
epoch,  Thiers  seems  to  have  found  time,  even  in  that 
terrible  year  of  1834,  disturbed  as  it  was  by  insurrections, 
to  obtain  admittance  into  the  French  Academy,  and  to 
deliver  on  that  occasion  a  remarkable  discourse  ;  to  visit 
England  in  1833  for  the  purpose  of  studying  industrial 
and  commercial  subjects ;  and  to  sketch  the  History  of 
the  Consulate  and  Empire. 

On  June  9th,  1839,  ^^e  day  after  a  great  debate,  in 
which  Thiers  took  a  prominent  part,  the  newspapers 
made  the  following  announcement : 

"  M.  Thiers  has  just  concluded  with  Paulin,  the  pub- 
lisher, an  arrangement  for  the  publication  of  the  History 
of  the  Consulate  and  Empire,  a  continuation  of  his  History 
of  the  French  Revolution.  M.  Paulin  has  secured  a  per- 
petual right  to  the  MS,  of  M.  Thiers  by  the  payment  of 
$100,000,  $80,000  to  be  paid  on  the  delivery  of  the  MS., 
and  $20,000  a  year  later."  Talleyrand  said,  h propos  of  the 
History  of  the  French  Revolution  :  "  Thiers  would  perhaps 
be  still  more  happy  if  he  should  take  up  the  Empire." 
Perhaps  it  was  this  remark  of  the  illustrious  diplomate 
that  suggested  to  Thiers  his  great  history. 


90  Life  of  Thiers.  I1832-39. 

Thiers,  with    antecedents  such  as  were  his,  after  his 
active  and  important  role  in  politics  for  near  twenty  years 
after  the  prominent  part  that  he  took  in  the  revolution 
of  1830,  could  not  but  occupy  a   great  position  in  the 
eyes   of   the   public.      The   legitimists  were  vanquished 
probably  forever;    the   republicans    were  awed,    though 
trembling  less  from  fear  than  hope ;     royalty  was  advised 
to  keep  its  proper  place,  if   it  would   not  compromise  its 
mission  and  existence.     Enemies  would  of  necessity  rise 
up  against  the  man,  who   more  than  any  other  had  con- 
tributed to  such  results.     No  one  can  escape  destiny  and 
human  nature.     Talleyrand  said  to  Thiers  on  one  occa- 
sion,    "  Would  you  be  a  man?     Have  lots  of  enemies." 
And  Thiers  followed  his  advice.     Thiers  said  one  evening 
in    1865 — if   we  are   not   mistaken,    in    his  parlor  in  the 
Place  St.  Georges,  a  propos  of  some  impertinence  of  the 
courtiers  of  the  time:  "  I   am  an  old  umbrella  which  has 
been  subjected  to  many  showers,  and  much  misuse  ;  you 
can't    expect  anything    else    in    stormy    times  and    civil 
war."      Insults  of   all  kinds  were  heaped    upon   Thiers, 
particularly  during  those  periods  when  he  was  in  power 
or  opposed  to  the  Government.     It  would  require  more 
than  one  folio  to  enumerate  them.     From  the  countless 
number  we  select  but  two,  which  are  by  no  means  the 
worst.     A  very  radical  journal  said  one  day:  "We  have 
a  kind  of  ogre  among  us  called  Louis-Philippe,    and    a 
sort  of  Tom  Thumb,  named  Thiers."    An  extreme  royal- 


I 


^T.  34-41.]  The  July  Monarchy.  91 

ist  sheet,  attributing  to  Thiers  an  over-great  love  of  the 
"almighty  dollar,"  remarked:  "We  understand  that 
M.  Thiers  is  going  to  make  a  trip  to  Auvergne. 
Auvergnats,  look  out  lest  he  carry  off  the  Mont 
d'Or!" 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE   RIVALRY   OF   THIERS    AND    GUIZOT— 184O-1848. 

Guizot  wrote  the  following  lines  concerning  Thiers,  at 
the  time  of  the  formation  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
of  what  was  called  the  Thiers-parti,  which  was  made  up  of 
Liberals  friendly  to  the  dynasty: 

"  It  is  a  characteristic  of  Thiers's  nature,  which,  it 
seems  to  me,  has  betrayed  him  more  than  once,  not  to 
put  enough  confidence  in  his  own  powers,  not  to  depend 
sufficiently  on  himself  and  himself  alone,  and  to  allow 
himself  to  be  influenced  too  much  by  the  desire  of  avoid- 
ing the  criticism  of  the  party  which  has  been  his  political 
cradle.  His  judgment  and  his  tastes  mark  him  a  states- 
man, which  is  rarely  the  case  with  individuals  sprung 
from  the  ranks  in  which  he  has  always  lived.  Hence  it  re- 
sults, that  between  his  station  and  his  inclination,  between 
the  course  of  his  life  and  the  instincts  of  his  mind,  there 
is  a  discord  which  has  often  been  to  him  a  source  of 
embarrassment  and  a  cause  of  feebleness.  If  he  had 
been  more  under  the  influence  of  a  just  pride,  if  he  had 
more  of  a  mind  and  will  of  his  own,  he  would,  I  think, 
have  better  governed  his  own  and  his  country's  destiny ; 
for  he  would  have  found  in  his  independence  much  more 


/Et.  43-1         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guisot.  93 

strength  than  he  could  derive  from  the  support  of  the 
revolutionary  and  fluctuating  party  with  which  he  was 
associated."* 

It  is  impossible  to  read  these  lines  without  profound 
astonishment.  One  believes  himself  dreaming  to  hear  a 
man  of  such  intellectual  parts  speaking  in  this  wise.  To 
represent  Thiers  as  a  man  who  lacks  confidence  in  his 
own  powers,  above  all,  who  does  not  rely  sufficiently ,on 
himself,  who  has  not  a  firm  mind  and  will,  is  to  produce  the 
strangest  paradox  imaginable,  and  the  most  contrary  to 
the  truth.  In  order  to  explain  such  a  mistaken  apprecia- 
tion, it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  influence  of  the 
spirit  of  sect  and  system,  the  blindness  of  vanity  and 
the  bitterness  of  an  old  rivalry ;  it  is  especially  important 
to  remember — for  Guizot  was  not  an  ordinary  man — 
that  he  had  an  unlimited  confidence  in  the  value  of  his 
own  theories,  and  that  he  believed  in  their  infallibility,  if 
not,  which  is  uncertain,  in  his  own.  Now,  there  was  an 
essential  difference  between  Guizot's  theories  and  Thiers's 
manner  of  looking  at  political  questions,  and  this  differ- 
ence sufficed  to  ruffle  the  serenity  of  the  judge's  mind 
and  cause  him  to  give  a  biased  opinion. 

Let  us  consider  this  difference  for  a  moment.  With 
Guizot,  everything  was  based  on  his  theory  of  the 
middle     classes    and     the     legal     7iation.\        The    pre- 


*  M/moires  de  Guizot,  T.  III.,  p.  290. 

t  To  be  an  elector  at  this  period  it  was  necessary  to  pay  taxes  amount- 
ing to  200  francs,  about  $40.00.  Tlie  whole  body  of  electors,  according  to 
Guizot,  made  up  the  legal  nation  (pays  Icufsl.) 


94  Life  of   Thiers.  [1840. 

ponderance  of  power  appertained  to  the  bourgeoisie, 
or  middle  classes.  There  was  no  political  or  legal 
France  outside  of  the  electoral  body.  No  one  was 
a  legal  Frenchman  unless  he  paid  a  tax  of  200  francs. 
Guizot  did  not  depart  from  this  rule.  He  took  up  a 
position  in  this  theory  as  if  in  a  fortress.  From  his 
ramparts,  from  this  belvedere,  so  to  speak,  he  contem- 
plated the  outside  world,  judged  society,  and  pretended 
to  govern  it.  To  rule  by  means  of  the  middle  classes,  to 
satisfy  their  interests  and  wants,  to  give  to  the  country 
only  the  measure  of  liberty,  air  and  light  that  this  new 
aristocracy  demanded,  and  that  its  temperament  was  able 
to  support,  to  found  a  constitutional  monarchy  on  this 
unique  base,  narrow  as  it  was,  such  was  Guizot's  object, 
his  dominant  idea,  the  pivot  of  his  policy.  Thiers,  with- 
out rejecting  the  principle,  while  also  placing  the  axis  of 
government  in  the  middle  classes,  in  the  bourgeoisie, 
wished  to  strengthen  the  prop,  to  enlarge  more  and  more 
the  base  of  the  system  by  accepting  the  co-operation  of 
all  those  who  sprang  from  the  same  principle,  who  had 
the  same  origin,  namely,  the  French  Revolution,  For  he 
was  persuaded  that  the  July  Government  would  never  be 
in  a  condition  to  face  its  veritable  enemies,  the  legiti- 
mists and  the  clergy,  if  it  were  also  opposed  by  all  the 
ardent  liberals  and  republicans. 

There  was  still  another  difference  between  Thiers  and 
Guizot :  the  latter  held  firmly  to  a  pacific  policy,  as  did 
the  King ;  the  former,  led  by  a  desire  to  firmly  establish 


.et.  43.]         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  9 5 

the  new  government  and  to  support  the  dignity  of  France, 
did  not  draw  back  before  the  contingencies  of  war,  even  a 
great  war,  if  it  were  rendered  necessary  by  the  country's 
honor  and  the  interests  of  the  Revolution  of  1789. 

Thiers,  with  these  ideas,  entered  in  1840  into  the  coun- 
cils of  the  Crown,  with  the  intention  of  carrying  them 
out.  He  exclaimed  one  day  in  one  of  those  sallies  which 
were  common  to  him,  "  I  am  not  liberal ;  I  am  national." 
This  was  true  of  him  in  the  ministry  of  the  nth  of  Oc- 
tober, 1833,  but  now  he  wished  to  be  both,  and  if  he  was 
more  one  than  the  other,  if  the  dominant  character  of 
the  cabinet  of  the  1st  of  March,  1840,  was  national,  it 
was  due  more  to  circumstances  than  to  his  own  feelings 
in  the  matter. 

The  task  that  Thiers  proposed  to  himself  in  assuming 
the  direction  of  affairs,  particularly  when  we  consider  the 
impulse  and  character  that  he  wished  to  give  to  them, 
was  difficult  if  not  rash.  He  had  to  bring  the  King  over 
to  a  foreign  policy,  which  Louis-Philippe  always  looked 
upon  with  trembling.  He  had  to  conquer  a  considerable 
part  of  the  old  majority  which  favored  the  King's  policy, 
simply  because  it  was  the  King's.  Even  the  majority  on 
which  he  counted,  and  which  he  had  to  have  to  govern, 
was  neither  compact  nor  sure,  and  a  goodly  number  of 
his  allies  followed  him  less  on  account  of  himself  than  in 
order  to  check  the  Government.  Accord  was,  however, 
possible  among  the  different  branches  of  government 
concerning  domestic  affairs. 


96  Life  of  Thiers. 


[1840. 


No  great  domestic  question  at  this  moment  divided 
public  opinion.  But  this  was  not  the  case  with  foreign 
relations.  On  the  occasion  of  a  conflict  between  the 
Fasha  of  Egypt,  Mehemet  Ali,  and  the  Sultan  Mahmoud, 
the  Eastern  question  was  about  to  reappear,  to  bring 
face  to  face  the  peace  policy  of  the  King  and  the  war 
policy  of  Thiers,  and  the  Chamber  was  to  be  called  upon 
to  pronounce  between  them. 

According  to  Thiers — and  we  would  lay  stress  upon 
this  point — the  chief  concern  of  France  ought  to  be  her 
foreign  relations.  The  independence  and  honor  of  the 
country  should  never  be  lost  sight  of  in  the  interest  of 
domestic  peace  and  the  dynasty.    Thiers  saw  everywhere 

\the  seeds  of  war :  in  the  ambition  of  certain  powers,  in 
the  nature  of  the  governments,  and  in  the  agitations  of 
the  peoples,  and  he  knew  too  well  that,  whatever  ques- 
tion might  be  raised,  France  would  be  sooner  or  later 
drawn  into  it,  either  from  necessity  or  duty.  There  re- 
resulted  from  this,  these  two  things :  first,  that  patriotism 
was  a  very  important  virtue  for  France,  and  that  along 
with  patriotism  there  should  be  foresight;  and  secondly, 
that  it  was  the  bounden  duty  of  every  government  re- 
gardful of  its  mission,  to  always  keep  alive  the  military 
spirit — not  the  spirit  of  conquest — that  France  might  be 
always  ready  for  emergencies. 

To  understand  Thiers  and  his  ministry  of  1840,  and 
even  the  greater  part  of  his  writings,  this  fact  should 
be   born    in   mind.      The   History  of  the    Consulate  and 


^T.33 1  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  97 

Empire  is  pervaded  by  this  idea.  To  keep  the  patriotism 
of  France  ever  on  the  alert,  to  quicken  this  patriotism  by- 
lessons  from  history,  by  the  great  examples  of  the  past, 
so  that  the  country  should  always  be  equal  to  whatever 
complications  and  necessities  might  arise,  this,  in  Thiers's 
mind,  was  one  of  the  first  duties  of  the  statesman.  Po- 
litical, constitutional,  material,  moral  questions  should  be 
considered  also,  but  afterwards.  The  soul  of  France 
should  be  gotten  ready  before  its  armor,  and  put  into  a 
condition  to  bear  it.  The  situation  of  the  hour  argued 
in  favor  of  this  line  of  policy,  for,  as  we  have  said,  the 
irrepressible  Eastern  question  was  threatening  the  peace 
of  Europe. 

Marshal  Maison,  one  of  the  generals  of  the  first  Em- 
pire, died  a  few  days  before  the  formation  of  the  ministry 
of  March  ist,  1840,  of  which  Thiers  was  Prime  Minister. 
Invited  to  speak  at  the  grave,  Thiers  delivered  an  eloquent 
oration,  which  is  an  earnest  expression  of  the  ruling  idea 
that  we  have  referred  to.  In  one  part  of  this  speech  he 
exclaimed  :  "  Of  all  the  grandeur  of  the  Revolutionary 
period,  what  remains  to  us?  Nothing  of  that  national 
grandeur  which  spread  from  the  plains  of  Italy  to  those 
of  Holland ;  but  the  moral  grandeur  of  its  memories, 
which  lives  impcrishably  in  history,  which  will  inflame 
future  generations,  and  make  them  worthy  of  the  past  ; 
this  grandeur  has  come  down  to  us  intact.  Let  us  pre- 
serve it  as  the  most  precious  heritage.  It  is  the  memory 
of  the   lofty  deeds  of  our  warriors  which  should  sustain 


98  Life  of  Thiers.  \iZ\o. 

our  young  soldiers  if  their  courage  is  put  to  the  test. 
They  should  try  to  equal  the  soldiers  of  Kl^ber,  of  Mas- 
sena,  of  Bonaparte  !  " 

It  was  also  with  this  same  object  in  view,  that  he  took 
the  initiative  in  a  measure  which  had  been  often  agitated, 
the  translation  of  the  remains  of  Napoleon  from  Saint 
Helena  to  France.  Of  course  international  reconciliation 
was  another  motive  that  influenced  Thiers.  But  the  aims 
were  not  contradictory :  the  desire  to  efface  past  hatreds 
does  not  interdict  care  for  the  future,  nor  the  duty  of 
providing  against  their  return.  Yet  at  this  very  moment — 
and  we  mention  the  incident  simply  to  show  how  much 
there  is  that  is  capricious  and  unforeseen  in  French  politi- 
cal life — while  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  the  son  of  Louis- 
Philippe,  with  two  French  war  vessels  was  traversing  the 
ocean  to  bring  home  the  dust  of  the  great  Emperor, 
the  illegitimate*  adventurer — "  Napoleon  the  Little,"  as 
Victor  Hugo  happily  terms  him  who  afterwards  became 
Napoleon  HI — made  his  absurd  fiasco  at  Boulogne. 

Those  who  like  to  believe  that  history  is  but  a  game  of 
chance,  and  who  are  prone  to  descant  upon  the  uncertainty 
of  fate,  can  find  here  matter  for  the  support  of  their  skepti- 
cal philosophy.  Here  was  a  government  which  wished 
to  pay  homage  to  a  national  glory,  and  to  draw  therefrom 
new  force  and  strength  both  for  itself  and  the  country ; 

*  It  is  now  an  opinion  widely  held  that  Louis  Napoleon  was  not  a  Bona- 
parte, but  the  son  of  a  Dutch  marine  officer,  Admiral  Verhuell,  one  of  the 
numerous  lovers  of  Queen  Hortense.  See  the  posthumous  article  of  Sainte- 
Beuve.  Cccsar  and  the  Casars. 


.Et.  43.]         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Giiizot.  99 

and  yet,  at  the  same  time,  this  country's  heir,  more  or  less 
legitimate,  made  use  of  this  glory  against  the  govern- 
ment which  proclaimed  it,  converting  it,  so  to  speak,  into 
a  hostile  banner,  a  machine  of  war.  And  not  less 
strange,  perhaps,  was  the  incident  of  France  and  England, 
seeking,  in  honoring  a  great  name,  to  bury  old  grudges, 
and  yet,  at  this  precise  moment,  entering  on  a  path  which 
threatened  to  lead  them  to  new  wars. 

But  these  coincidences,  arising  from  chance,  did  not 
occupy  in  an  equil  degree  public  opinion  or  the  thoughts 
o  Thiers.  The  Eastern  question  gave  rise  to  graver  con- 
siderations than  that  of  the  abortive  demonstration  at 
Boulogne.  But,  nevertheless,  this  episode  can  not  be 
passed  by  in  silence :  the  pretender  had  assigned  Thiers 
a  part  in  his  projects  and  in  his  dreams ;  and,  further,  was  not 
this  affair  connected  by  an  invisible  link  with  events  in 
which  Thiers  was  to  be  found  to  act  more  than  once  an 
important  part  ?  Was  not  the  second  Empire  conceived 
of  these  early  pronunciamientos  ? 

The  attempt  at  Boulogne  had  been  preceded  by  that 
of  Strasburg  on  October  30th,  1836.  The  King's  weakness 
had  .sheltered  the  pretender  from  justice  and  transported 
him  to  America.  Exile  never  reforms  a  person :  Louis 
Napoleon  soon  left  the  United  States  and  took  refuge 
in  England,  where  he  meditated  new  enterprises.  Did  he 
count  on  the  unpopularity  of  the  Government,  which  was, 
by  the  way,  exaggerated?  On  the  difficulties  of  its 
foreign  policy?     On  the  co-operation,  foolishly  presumed, 


lOO  Life  of  Thiers.  [1840. 

or  the  connivance  of  the  statesman  who  stood  at  the 
head  of  the  Cabinet,  and  who,  he  knew,  was  a  great  ad- 
mirer of  his  uncle  ?  However  this  may  be,  on  August 
6th,  1840,  he  disembarked  near  Boulogne,  accompanied 
by  some  devoted  friends  and  servitors.  Having  en- 
tered the  city  about  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he 
presented  himself  at  the  barracks  of  the  garrison,  where 
he  tempted  the  soldiers  and  officers  with  offers  of  money 
and  promotions.  There  was  at  first,  among  the  troops 
and  in  the  city,  a  little  confusion  and  disorder;  but  this 
lasted  only  a  short  time.  The  troops  shrugged  their 
shoulders,  and  the  sub-prefect  promptly  arrested  a 
majority  of  the  companions  of  the  prince.  The  audacious 
adventurer,  however,  had  counted  on  success,  and  had 
prepared  in  advance  a  series  of  decrees,  with  the  in- 
tention of  organizing  in  a  moment  a  new  government. 
Among  these  curious  papers  there  was  one  which  named 
Thiers  President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers. 

The  pretender  had  deceived  himself  concerning  Thiers 
and  the  country.  Thiers  saw  in  Napoleon  I  a  great  warrior 
and  a  powerful  administrator,who  was  made  for  the  time  in 
which  he  arose,  a  sort  of  splendid  and  isolated  meteor,  at 
first  useful,  then  fatal  to  others  as  well  as  to  himself,  and 
who  could  be  followed  through  the  heavens  of  history  by 
the  brilliant  track  he  had  left  behind,  but  who  had  no  suc- 
cessor, and  who  had  nothing  to  do  with  an  age  of  liberty. 
The  Empire  without  the  Emperor  never  appeared  possi- 
ble or  desirable  to  Thiers.     The  immense  majority  of  the 


^T.  43.]  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  loi 

people  at  that  time  felt  in  the  same  way.  In  certain  dis- 
tricts, the  interests  of  the  nation  were  confounded  with 
those  of  the  Empire,  for  its  wild  dreams  had  been  forgot- 
ten and  only  its  glories  remembered.  But  there  was  no 
desire,  however,  on  the  part  of  these  worshippers  of  the 
first  Napoleon,  to  lend  themselves  to  the  projects  of  a 
young  and  ambitious  upstart,  and  to  stir  up  a  revolution 
on  his  account.  The  Journal des  Dc'bats  said  in  reference 
to  the  Strasburg  fiasco:  "The  first  thing  that  strikes 
one  in  the  Strasburg  affair,  is  the  impertinent  folly  of 
the  enterprise,  the  incredible  presumption  of  a  young  man 
who,  without  any  other  title  than  his  name,  without  other 
means  of  affecting  people's  minds  than  by  the  aid  of  a  coat 
and  hat  ridiculously  modeled  after  those  of  a  great  man 
presumes  one  morning  to  put  on  a  crown  and  enthrone 
himself  Emperor  and  master  of  France."  Lamartine,  in 
a  grand  and  magnificent  oration  delivered  on  January 
7th,  1837,  said,  referring  to  the  folly  of  this  enterprise,  that 
"  the  Empire  has  left  only  a  bronze  column  in  a  Paris 
square."  And  this  was  true.  The  adventure  found  credit 
only  with  some  fanatics  and  a  few  corrupt  and  needy 
officers.  The  Boulogne  enterprise  was  equally  weak 
and  foolish.  Thiers  was  disturbed  by  it  only  in  so  far  as  it 
was  a  symptom  of  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  of  the 
restlessness  of  the  national  spirit  of  the  people  which  the 
timid  course  of  the  King  did  not  satisfy ;  it  was  one  more 
reason  for  strengthening  the  dynasty  by  some  of  that 
military  glory  of  which  the  first   Empire  was  as  prodigal 


i02  Life  of   Thiers,  [1839-40. 

as  the  July  Monarchy  was  parsimonious.  He  saw  that 
his  foreign  policy  might  lead  to  war,  but  he  also  saw  that 
if  the  war  were  successful  or  only  nobly  supported,  it 
would  exalt  the  cause  of  constitutional  monarchy  and 
give  it  a  prestige  that  would  stand  all  pretensions  and  all 
pretenders. 

The  Eastern  question  was  of  long  standing.  Thiers 
found  the  crisis  in  an  already  advanced  state  when  he 
came  into  office.  The  victory  of  Nezib,  in  Northern  Syria, 
June  24th,  1839,  gained  by  Ibrahim  Pasha,  son  of  Mehemet 
Ali,  Pasha  of  Egypt,  over  the  troops  of  the  Sultan,  had  in. 
creased  the  pretensions  of  the  rebel  vassal.  He  demanded, 
as  the  price  of  the  victory,  that  he  be  made  the  hereditary 
ruler  of  Egypt  and  Syria.  This  was,  in  the  opinion  of 
England,  prejudicial  to  the  integrity  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire ;  for  France,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  the  forti- 
fying of  this  empire,  for  she  believed  the  real  soul  of  the 
Turkish  power  to  be,  not  at  Constantinople,  but  at  Alex- 
andria. France  knew,  also,  that  Mehemet  Ali  was  not 
at  all  disposed  to  yield,  and  she  feared  that  a  prolon- 
gation of  the  struggle  would  give  the  finishing  stroke  to 
"the  sick  man" — as  the  Czar  once  called  the  Sultan  — 
whom  England  and  France,  however,  had  an  equal  inter- 
est, an  equal  desire  to  save.  Marshal  Soult,  who  was 
President  of  the  Council  and  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
before  Thiers  came  into  office,  Avrote,  on  February  19th, 
1840,  to  Guizot,  the  ambassador  of  France  at  London: 
"  The  government  of  the  King  has  held  and  holds  still 


jet.  42-43.]     Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizoi.  103 

that,  considering  the  position  in  which  Mehemet  All 
finds  himself,  to  offer  him  less  than  the  hereditary  right 
to  the  thrones  of  Egypt  and  Syria  would  be  to  run  the 
risk  of  a  certain  refusal  on  his  part,  which  he  would 
back,  if  necessary,  by  a  desperate  resistance,  whose  con- 
sequence would  shake  and  perhaps  overturn  the  Otto- 
man Empire."  Another  circumstance  aggravated  the 
already  complicated  question :  a  few  days  after  the  bat- 
tle of  Nezib,  it  was  decided  by  a  diplomatic  note  that  the 
trouble  should  be  settled  by  the  great  Powers  acting  in 
concert. 

Thiers  —  become  Premier  —  thus  hemmed  in,  at  first 
quietly  strove  against  the  situation,  not  wishing  to  sac- 
rifice the  Pasha  nor  to  break  with  the  Powers.  He 
worked,  in  the  first  place,  to  avoid  a  conference  where  he 
was  almost  sure  to  have  the  others  against  him,  and,  in 
the  second  place,  to  bring  about  an  understanding  be- 
tween the  Sultan  and  Pasha.  It  was  a  difificult  job. 
Thiers  wrote  Guizot  at  London,  on  July  i6th,  1840,  a 
letter  which  terminated  with  these  words:  "You  and  I 
have  never  got  into  a  worse  dilemma ;  but  we  could  not 
do  otherwise.  In  the  beginning,  we  might  have  pursued 
a  different  course,  but  since  the  treaty  of  July  27th,  1839,* 
this  is  out  of  the  question."  He  hoped,  however,  to  get 
out  of  the  dangerous  dilemma,  when  he  suddenly  learned 
that  the  question  had  been  settled  without  consulting 

♦This  treaty,  made  between  England,  France,  Austria  and  Russia, 
placed  the  defence  and  integrity  of  Turkey  under  the  protection  of  Iheso 
Powers. 


I04  Life  of  Thiers.  [1840. 

France,  on  the  overtures  of  Lord  Palmerston,  and  that 
Mehemet  Ali  was  to  be  forced  to  give  up  all  claims  to 
Syria;  the  treaty  of  July  15th,  1840,  between  Russia, 
England,  Austria,  and  Prussia,  had  been  signed. 

France,  thus  excluded  unceremoniously  from  the  Eu- 
ropean concert,  was  keenly  wounded.  The  blame  was 
laid  especially  on  England,  who  was  looked  upon  as  the 
ally  of  France.  The  old  sores  reopened.  M.  de  La- 
vergne*  wrote  to  Guizot  at  this  moment,  "The  public 
mind  is  extremely  bellicose."  The  band  of  the  National 
Guard  played  the  Marseillaise  in  the  ears  of  the  King  at 
the  Tuileries.  At  the  opera,  this  refrain  of  a  chorus 
in  a  new  opera,  Charles  VI,  was  received  with  frantic 
applause : 

Non,  non,  jamais  en  France, 
Jamais  I'Anglais  ne  regnera.f 

This  song  was  continually  heard  in  the  concerts  and  in 
the  streets.  AH  the  organs  of  public  opinion,  with  rare 
exceptions,  were  for  war.  The  sons  of  the  King  leaned 
that  way.  Alfred  de  Musset,  the  poet,  a  frequenter  of 
the  Tuileries  and  a  personal  friend  of  the  heir  apparent, 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,  improvised,  in  a  court  soiree,  it  is 
said,  a  war  song  in  response  to  a  new  song  of  Becker, 
the  German  poet,  entitled  The  German  RJiine.X 

*  M.  de  Levergne,  born  in  1809,  to-day  life  senator  ;  friend  of  Guizot, 
member  of  the  Academy  of  Moral  and  Political  Sciences,  an  able  writer  on 
economic  subjects,  and  in  politics  a  strong  conservative. 
f  No,  no,  never  in  France, 
Never  will  the  English  reign, 
\  The  German  poet  had  said, 

"  They  shall  not  have  it,  our  Gernian  Rhine." 


^T,  43.]  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Giiizot.  io5 

Thiers  was  not  less  keenly  affected.  He  was  greatly 
irritated,  above  all,  at  Lord  Palmerston.  He  called  his 
proceeding  a  "deception."  He  wrote  Guizot  on  July 
2 1st,  1840:  "  France  to-day  has  only  to  consider  her  own 
convenience,"  and  he  did  not  intend  to  suffer  himself  to 
be  held  in  check.  He  thought  he  had  been  outraged. 
He  sent  to  the  Powers  a  very  strong  note,  in  which  he 
protested  against  what  had  been  accomplished.  He  was 
almost  as  greatly  irritated  at  Austria  as  at  England,  find- 
ing no  longer  in  its  policy  the  wisdom  of  Metternich. 
The  Austrian  ambassador  at  Paris  insisted  that  Syria 
was  of  little  importance  to  France.  "  Yes,  without 
doubt,"  responded  Thiers,  sharply ;  "  of  course  we  will 
for  no  consideration  make  a  campaign  in  Syria;  for  Italy 
is  better,  and  she  is  nearer !  "  This  was  a  threat  at  Austrian 
influence  in  Italy.  War,  therefore,  appeared  to  him  an  al- 
most inevitable  necessity,  for  which  it  was  important  that 
he  should  be  prepared.  The  treaty  of  July  15th,  1840,  how- 
ever, was  carried  out.  On  September  i  ith,  Beyrout,  an  im- 
portant seaport  of  Syria,  was  bombarded  by  the  united 
fleets  of  England  and  Austria,  before  the  eyes  of  the  sailors 
of  the  French  fleet,  unable  to  understand,  said  an  officer, 
"  why  their  cannon  did  not  go  off  of  themselves."  On  Sep- 
tember 14th,  1840,  Mehemet  Ali  was  conquered.  Thiers's 
ardor  was  not  extinguished.  He  prepared  to  augment 
the  army.     Infantry,  cavalry,  artillery,  all  were  increased. 

De  Musset  replied  proudly, 

"  We  have  had  it,  your  German  Rhine." 
Lamarline  also  answered  Becker,  in  his  Marscillaist:  dc  /a />aix. 


io6  Life  of  Thiers.  [1840. 

Thiers  proposed  to  raise  the  effective  force  to  six  hun- 
dred and  thirty-five  thousand  men,  and  to  mobilize  three 
hundred  thousand  men  of  the  National  Guard.  Thus 
prepared  and  decided,  he  wrote  in  a  diplomatic  note: 
"  If  you  take  Egypt  from  the  Pasha,  the  cannon  will 
decide  between  us." 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  French  fleet,  anchored  before 
Beyrout  was  ordered  home.  The  enemies  of  Thiers  called 
this  feebleness,  and  the  charge  has  often  been  reiterated. 
In  truth,  it  was  but  an  act  of  prudence.  In  the  event  of 
a  war,  the  government  wished  to  have  all  its  strength 
at  hand  within  its  grasp.  So  earnest  was  Thiers,  so  far 
was  he  from  doing  an  act  of  weakness,  that  he  proposed 
introducing  the  war  question  into  the  customary  Speech 
from  the  Throne. 

It  was  a  solemn  moment  for  the  King  and  his  dynasty. 
If  Thiers's  policy  had  prevailed  in  the  councils  of  the 
Crown,  the  whole  course  of  events  which  have  happened 
since,  the  disastrous  experiment  of  1848,  the  twenty 
years  of  despotism  that  followed,  with  the  terrible  end 
whose  consequences  have  not  yet  disappeared, — might  not 
all  this  have  been  avoided?  But  it  was  fated  that,  at 
the  supreme  moment,  the  King  should  recoil.  When 
the  question  came  up  before  the  cabinet,  during  the 
discussion  concerning  the  Speech  from  the  Throne,  the 
diversity  of  opinion  between  the  King  and  the  minister 
showed  itself.  Thiers  wished  that  the  language  of  the 
King  should   energetically  support   the  conduct  of   the 


Mt.  43.J  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  107 

ministry.  The  King  proposed  a  compromise.  Thiers, 
fatigued,  and  fearing  that  the  Chamber  would  side  with 
the  King,  handed  in  his  resignation,  as  did  all  of  his  col- 
leagues.    This  was  on  October  29th,  1840. 

It  will  be  remembered*  that  in  Thiers's  earlier  connec- 
tion with  the  July  Government,  he  was  not  unmindful  of 
the  internal  improvements  of  the  country,  and  during 
his  short  ministry  of  1840,  material  as  well  as  political 
questions  received  his  closest  attention.  The  hesitation 
that  he  had  formerly  shown  concerning  the  importance 
of  railroads  —  a  hesitation  which  malevolence  has  trans- 
formed into  ignorance  and  old  fogyism  —  had  now  long 
passed  away,  and  he  hastened  to  atone  for  his  mistake. 
He  caused  a  subsidy  of  about  nine  millions  of  dollars  to 
be  voted  for  the  construction  of  several  railroad  lines. 
He  encouraged  steam  navigation,  and  presented  to  the 
Chamber  bills  for  the  establishment  of  several  great  " 
packet  lines,  three  out  of  four  of  which  were  to  be  fur- 
nished with  eighteen  vessels  constructed  in  the  State 
ship-yards,  and  capable,  if  necessary,  of  carrying  guns. 
The  abolition  of  the  monopoly  of  the  manufacture  of 
salt,  the  development  of  the  trade  in  thermal  waters, 
and  several  other  matters  of  interest  to  commerce  and 
industry  were  considered  or  carried  out  under  Thiers's 
administration. 

On  the  same  day  that  Thiers  resigned,  Guizot  was 
gazetted  President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers.     Here  be- 

*  See  Chapter  III,  page  88. 


io8  Life  of  Thiers.  [1840. 

gins  the  strife  between  Thiers  and  Guizot,  an  ardent  and 
bitter  struggle,  which  was  ended  by  the  fall  of  the  July 
Monarchy  and  the  advent  of  the  Republic  of  1848. 

Guizot's  conduct,  in  accepting  office  at  this  time,  has 
been  severely  criticised.  He  has  been  accused  of  having, 
while  French  Minister  at  London,  deceived  Thiers  and 
then  of  having  supplanted  him.  The  keen  remark  of 
Royer-Collard  is  well  known:  "You  called  Guizot  an 
austere  intriguer?"  somebody  asked  him.  "Did  I  say 
austere?^'  responded  the  terrible  old  man.  This  remark, 
already  in  circulation,  was  now  taken  up  and  repeated 
everywhere.  The  words  of  the  Journal  dcs  Dcbats, 
which  were  a  commentary  on  it,  were  quoted  again : 
"  Our  support  you  (Guizot)  can  have,  our  esteem,  never." 
From  this  period  dates  the  immense  unpopularity 
which  followed  Guizot  until  the  destruction  of  the 
monarchy,  and  which  contributed  not  a  little  to  precipi- 
tate it. 

Is  the  reproach  true  that  Guizot,  while  French  Am- 
bassador at  London,  acted  in  opposition  to  the  instruct- 
ions of  his  minister  and  the  principles  of  parliamentary 
government,  and  obeyed  the  personal  policy  of  the 
King?  In  this  connection  we  will  simply  recall  the  fact 
that  Thiers  wrote  to  his  ambassador  on  March  2nd,  1840, 
the  day  after  he  became  President  of  the  Council,  "  on 
leaving  Paris  you  declared  to  me  in  the  Salle  des  Confe'r- 
e?ices  that  your  foreign  policy  was  mine ; "  that  Guizot 
admitted    that  he  occupied,  while  Minister  at    London. 


^T.  43.]  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  109 

"  as  regards  the  war,  a  decisive  position  ;  "  *  that  Lord 
Palmerston,  however  badly  disposed  towards  France  he 
might  be,  could  be  arrested  by  the  Tory  party,  whose 
principle  personage.  Lord  Wellington,  said,  "  nothing  can 
be  done  without  France ,  war  is  at  hand,  we  desire 
peace ;  therefore,  it  is  necessary  to  be  on  good  terms  with 
France."  f  "  It  is  also  certain  " —  it  is  Guizot  himself  who 
says  so — "  that  Austria  and  Prussia  did  not  hold  to  the 
policy  of  war  ;  "  %  and  that  Lord  Palmerston  would  have 
shown  less  obstinacy  if  he  had  believed  that  France 
would  go  to  extremities. 

It  is  at  least  inexcusable  in  Guizot,  that  he  did  not  see 
the  impropriety  of  his  being  the  successor  of  a  man 
whose  policy  he  was  supposed  to  have  favored,  and  of 
forthwith  adopting  a  policy  of  an  exactly  contrary  nature. 
Guizot  did  not  like  Thiers,  and — not  to  speak  of  feelings 
of  jealousy  and  rivalry — he  often  imputed  to  Thiers  inten- 
tions and  sentiments  which  had  no  foundation  in  fact. 
Guizot,  while  Minister  at  London,  wrote  to  one  of  his 
friends  apropos  of  the  translation  of  Napoleon's  remains: 
"  I  notice  without  surprise  the  art  with  which  the  minis- 
terial organs  or  those  of  the  Left  have  avoided  speaking 
of  me  in  this  affair.  This  will  continue,  though  I  have 
been  written  to  that,'  if  we  succeed  in  this  affair,we  will  give 
you  all  the  honor  of  it. '"  §    To  suppose  that  Thiers  would 

*  M/moires  de  Guizot^  T.  V.  p.  20. 
\  Id.  p.  370. 
X  Id.  p.  364. 
^  Id.  p.  118. 


no  Life  of  Thiers.  [1840. 

descend  to  such  petty  acts  can  not  be  excused  on  the 
ground  that  the  injuries  of  the  one  atone  for  the  injuries 
of  the  other.  The  ambassador  ought  to  have  dominated 
over  the  man.  The  simplest  sentiment  of  decorum  would 
have  counseled  him  to  follow  his  chief  into  retirement 
and  to  check  his  ambition  for  a  time.  But  there  were 
many  audacious  actions  and  many  defects  of  conscience 
hidden  under  the  Puritanical  gravity  of  Guizot. 

M.  Odillon  Barrot,  the  brilliant  orator  of  the  Left,  in  a 
scathing  speech,  characterizes  Guizot's  conduct  in  this 
affair  after  this  manner :  "  Henceforth,  men  will  say,'  who 
will  feel  safe  in  the  direction  of  the  Government,  when  a 
minister,  having  chosen  a  foreign  representative  from  the 
Chamber  and  having  confided  to  him  not  only  ofificial 
documents  but  his  most  private  thoughts,  suddenly  sees 
this  representative  rat,  mount  this  tribune  to  lay  bare  be- 
fore this  country  and  the  world  the  unfortunate  spectacle 
of  such  an  antagonism,  and  even  take  advantage  of  docu- 
ments wherein  are  disclosed  the  confidential  opinions  of 
the  minister  ?  '  Do  you  ask  my  opinion  ?  You,  the  ambas- 
sador of  this  policy,  the  intimate  confidant  of  the  author 
of  this  policy,  you  are  the  last  man  to  replace  the  minis- 
ter who  was  carrying  it  out." 

Thiers,  throughout  the  discussion  of  the  Address  which 
followed  the  change  of  ministry  and  in  which  Guizot  was 
so  roughly  handled  by  the  Opposition,  defended  his  policy 
with  his  customary  vigor  and  frankness.  But  the  most 
important  feature  of  this  apology,  which  had  much  more 


^T.  43.]  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Gtiizot.  1 1 1 

to  do  with  his  acts  than  with  his  relations  with  his 
ambassador,  was  the  direct  attack  which  he  made  on  the 
Crown.  For,  according  to  Thiers,  more  serious  than  the 
question  of  external  politics,  was  the  sacredness  of  the 
Constitution,  which  had  been  violated,  if  not  in  its  letter, 
at  least  in  its  spirit.  Personal  government  had  reap- 
peared:  the  fall  of  the  ministry  of  March  1st,  1840,  was 
caused  by  a  new  and  graver  act  than  any  that  had  pre- 
ceded it,  was  due  to  a  single  will.  Called  upon  by  the  at- 
tacks of  the  partisans  of  the  war  to  explain  the  inaction  of 
the  last  days  of  his  ministry,  he  made  this  declaration 
which  pointed  right  to  the  King :  "If  the  29th  of  October* 
replaced  the  ist  of  March,  it  was  because  the  1st  of 
March  was  not  able  to  obtain  the  measures  that  it  judged 
necessary." 

This  was  a  Parthian  arrow.  Thiers  went  on  to  bury  it 
deeper  in  the  side  of  royalty,  but  not  with  the  design  of 
killing  royalty.  Thiers  never  had  but  one  enemy — per- 
sonal government,  because  he  never  had  but  one  idol — 
the  French  Revolution,  to  which  personal  government  is 
more  than  the  antithesis.  But  this  enemy  he  pursued, what- 
ever form  it  assumed,  by  whatever  good  intentions  dis- 
guised. In  denouncing  its  presence  in  the  working  of 
the  Constitution,  he  desired  to  defend  and  strengthen  the 
Constitution.  There  is  nothing  less  revolutionary  in 
France  than  respect  for  the  Revolution. 

Thus  Thiers  found  himself  again  at  the  head  of  the 

*  The  Ministry  of  Guizot,  whicli  lasted  until  the  revolution  of  1848. 


1 1 2  Life  of  Thiers.  [1341. 

dynastic  Opposition,  forced  by  the  very  nature  of  this 
principle  to  form  a  new  coalition  which  should  be  more 
ardent,  more  impassioned  than  the  old.  It  was  also  to 
have  a  slower  growth  and  another  and  more  redoubtable 
result.  Thirty  years  were  to  pass  before  its  chief  was  to 
return  to  power,  to  reappear  in  the  tribune  and  speak  in 
the  name  of  a  government ! 

Some  of  the  measures  of  his  ministry  were  not  entirely 
accomplished  when  he  retired.  The  solemn  reception 
of  the  remains  of  Napoleon  did  not  take  place  until 
December  15th,  1840,  and  the  appropriation  for  the 
construction  of  the  fortifications  of  Paris  were  not  voted 
until  the  month  following. 

This  latter  project  gave  rise  to  a  great  and  memorable 
debate  in  which  the  principal  orators  of  the  day  par- 
ticipated. The  enemies  of  the  Government  and  the 
Cabinet  held  that  the  scheme  had  for  its  object  not  so 
much  the  protection  of  the  capital  as  its  intimidation. 
Lamartine  considered  the  plan  useless,  Garnier-Pages, 
dangerous.  Thiers  defended  his  project  in  an  able  and 
powerful  speech.  "Fortify  the  capital,"  he  said,  "and 
you  greatly  modify  war  and  politics ;  you  render  wars  of 
invasion,  that  is  to  say,  wars  for  principles,  impracticable. 
*  *  *  Suppose  Paris  defended  by  permanent  works, 
by  walls ;  the  conditions  of  war  change  immediately ;  it 
is  no  longer  a  battle,  it  is  a  siege.  But,  an  army,  how- 
ever large  it  may  be,  cannot  carry  on  a  siege  with  its  or- 
dinary resources.    Special  materials  are  necessary.     Siege- 


/Et,  43.]         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  GuizoL  1 1 3 

i;uns,  which  cannot  be  carried  into  the  field,  which  are 
transported  with  difficulty  in  one's  own  country,  and 
which  are  conveyed  with  great  labor  in  an  enemy's 
country,  even  after  several  successful  campaigns  have 
rendered  one  absolute  master  of  it, — great  siege-guns  must 
be  had.  Again,  an  army  must  sit  down  before  a  fortified 
town  for  a  number  of  days,  which  it  cannot  do  for  lack  of 
victuals,  munitions,  and  resources  of  every  kind.  *  *  * 
'  But,  for  what  purpose,'  some  ask,  '  would  you  expose  a 
million  souls  to  the  terrors  of  a  siege,  to  the  horrors  of  a 
bombardment,  to  the  misery  of  starvation  ?  How,  in  such 
extremities,  can  you  govern  them  and  restrain  them  ? 
How  can  you  grasp  in  a  sort  of  vice  great  capitals  in 
which  beats  the  heart  of  the  country — the  government,  the 
chambers,  the  principal  organs  of  the  public  ?  What  !  all 
this  blockaded  at  one  time  !  Subjected  to  the  severities 
of  military  rule  !  The  mind  is  frightened  and  recoils  in 
horror  at  the  thought  of  it.'  These  are  phantoms  which 
vanish  as  soon  as  approached.  The  moment  that  you 
render  the  capital  capable  of  sustaining  a  siege,  at  that 
moment  you  deliver  it  from  all  the  dangers  of  a  siege. 

The  walls  of  Paris,*  therefore,  stand  as  a  monument  of 
Thiers's  rule  of  six  months,  a  monument,  which,  if  it  has 
not  fulfilled  all  his  hopes,  is  none  the  less  a  part  of  his 
glory.     It  was  a  grand  and  patriotic  conception,  and  the 

*The  walls  arc  about  twenty-two  miles  in  circumference,  thirty-two  feel 
high,  and  have  an  averatje  thickness  of  about  twelve  feet.  A  ditch  fifty  feet 
wide,  which  can  be  flooded  with  water,  surrounds  the  walls  oij  the  outside, 
while  a  broad  macadamized  military  road  follows  the  course  of  the  fortifica- 
tions on  the  inside.     It  took  three  years  to  complete.  UUsirnvi^nsewpik. 


1,14  Life  of  Thiers.  [1840-45. 

recent  events  which  have  contradicted  Thiers's  theories, 
surpassed  ail  human  forethought  in  1840.  There  is  a  sort 
of  insanity  in  statesmen  and  in  peoples  which  escapes  all 
the  powers  of  clairvoyance.  The  Krupp  guns  and  the 
means  of  rapidly  concentrating  and  victualing  an  army, 
which  played  so  prominent  a  part  in  the  war  of  1 870-7 1^ 
might  perhaps  have  been  foreseen  in  1840,  but  no  one 
could  have  supposed  that  France  would  ever  give  herself 
up,  bound  hand  and  foot,  to  an  adventurer,  to  be  led  into 
a  suicidal  war. 

Thiers,  finding  himself  out  of  office,  and  convinced  that 
he  would  not  soon  return  to  power,  bent  himself  once 
more  to  literary  pursuits.  He  had  already  collected  con- 
siderable material  for  the  History  of  the  Consulate  and 
Empire.  With  the  curiosity  and  indefatigable  industry 
of  a  man  who,  rising  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  ter- 
minates his  most  laborious  days  in  society,  he  had 
reaped  all  the  harvest  that  Paris  could  afford,  and 
already  a  large  part  of  his  task,  in  so  far  as  it  concerned 
France,  was  done  before  it  was  commenced.  But  the 
scope  of  the  work  which  he  had  outlined .  in  his 
mind,  did  not  embrace  France  alone :  it  included  all 
Europe.  He,  therefore,  visited  Europe,  studied  the  ar- 
chives, questioned  illustrious  survivors  of  the  great  epoch 
which  he  was  describing,  examined  the  celebrated  battle- 
fields and  the  cities  which  had  sustained  memorable  sieges, 
all  the  places  famous  in  connection  with  the  gigantic 
struggles  that  he  would  portray.     It  is  for  this  that  he  is 


jet.  43-48.]      Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Gitizot.  1 1 5 

seen  by  turns  in  Italy,  Germany,  Spain  and  England 
from  1 841  to  1845.  At  length,  he  was  able  to  publish, 
during  this  last  year,  the  first  two  volumes  of  the  work, 
which  embrace  the  Consular  period. 

The  success  of  the  work  was  immense.  The  critics 
were  not  weary  of  praising  it.  Royer-Collard  who,  con- 
fining himself  to  the  ancients,  no  longer  readhwt  simply 
re-read,  as  he  liked  to  say,  devoured  Thiers's  two  new 
volumes.  One  day  the  latter,  calling  on  him,  found  the 
old  gentleman  in  his  study.  Pointing  out  to  Thiers  a 
volume  of  the  Consulate  and  Empire  lying  on  his  table 
beside  a  volume  of  Plato  and  Tacitus,  he  said,  "  You  see 
you  are  not  in  bad  company."  Thiers  replied  that  he 
trembled  at  his  situation.  "  Don't  fear,"  was  the 
response  ;  "  you  can  hold  your  ground  against  every- 
body." "  The  remark  is  charming,"  says  Sainte-Beuve, 
who  recounts  the  anecdote,  "  and  furthermore  it  is  just, 
and  of  great  weight  from  the  mouth  of  a  man  who 
seldom  paid  compliments."  Talleyrand  had  been  a  good 
prophet :  the  historian  of  the  Revolution  had  in  truth 
succeeded  still  better  in  dealing  with  the  Empire. 

Neither  literary  work  nor  success,  however,  turned 
Thiers's  attention  from  political  affairs,  which  every  day 
became  more  worthy  of  the  attention  of  the  friends  of 
the  Revolution. 

Guizot  continued  in  his  course,  abandoning  himself 
more  and  more  to  the  policy  of  resistance  at  home  and 
peace  at  any  price  abroad.     "  The  spirit  of  the  Emigra- 


II 6  Life  of   Thiers.  [184(^44. 

tion  and  the  Church,"  as  the  Joiirital  des  De'bats  said  one 
day,  "  killed  the  Restoration,  and  the  July  Revolution 
sprang  from  opposition  to  this  very  spirit."  Yet  Louis- 
Philippe  seemed  to  have  entirely  forgotten  this.  In  a 
word,  as  Thiers  has  said,*  Catholic  influence  supplanted 
Protestant  influence,  and  he  entered  upon  this  inauspi- 
cious period,  having  for  standard-bearer  and  trumpeter 
an  orthodox  Protestant  who  was  almost  a  Puritan.  For  it 
is  Guizot  who  opened  the  door  to  ultramontane  influence, 
and  was  to  try  to  use  it  as  an  instrument  of  government, 
for  a  re'gime  sprung  from  a  liberal  and  patriotic  revolu- 
tion, under  the  pretext  of  securing  by  its  means  good 
order,  conciliation,  pacification  and  the  elevation  of 
mankind  ! 

Contradictions  destroy  themselves  :  the  Government 
could  not  disregard  the  spirit  of  liberalism,  its  prime 
source  of  birth,  without  also  disregarding  that  patriotic 
fermentation  which  was  its  secondary  origin.  Guizot  and 
the  King  thought  to  become  monarchial  by  favoring  the 
religious  spirit,  to  enter  into  the  family  of  legitimate 
sovereigns,  into  the  Holy  Alliance,  by  pursuing  a  peace 
policy.  The  King  carried  his  love  of  peace  even  to  a 
degree  of  weakness.  The  English  alliance,  looked  upon 
as  the  palladium  of  peace,  was  to  be  maintained  at  any 
price.  Hence  it  was  that  France,  against  every  prin- 
ciple, gave  England  the  Right  of  Search,  where  French 
vessels  were  supposed  to  be  slavers.     The  flag  was  al- 

*See  Chapter  III.,  p.  55  et  seq. 


/Et.  43-47.]         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Gztizot.  1 1 7 

lowed  to  be  insulted  under  color  of  philanthropy.  Hence 
it  was  that  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  annex  Texas 
was  called  into  question  in  the  name  of  a  fanciful  Ameri- 
can equilibrium,  analogous  to  the  famous  theory  of  the 
Latin  races,  invented  at  a  later  period  by  the  complaisant 
Napoleon  III,  in  order  to  give  plausibility  to  the  foolish 
Mexican  expedition.  It  was  also  this  system  of  peace 
at  any  price  that  led  the  Government,  on  more  than  one 
occasion  during  the  latter  years  of  Louis-Philippe's  reign, 
to  suffer  England  to  influence  its  action  both  in  European 
and  extra-European  affairs,  occasions  that  we  are  only  too 
glad  to  pass  over  in  silence.  And  it  should  also  be  borne 
in  mind  in  this  connection,  that  this  senile  policy  did  not 
even  possess  the  merit  of  always  being  consistent.  For, 
after  having  made  for  so  long  a  time  concessions  to 
England,  the  Government,  on  a  sudden,  falls  out  with  her 
a  propos  of  the  Spanish  marriages  and  thus  loses  all  the 
benefits  of  its  sacrifices.  It  is  true  that  there  were  two 
interests  combined  against  the  English  interest  :  the 
Catholic,  which  was  kept  restrained,  and  the  family,  the 
all-important  interest,  which  controlled  everything. 

Thiers,  with  that  firmness  of  spirit  and  conviction, 
which  we  have  recognized  in  him,  could  not — all  interest 
of  ambition  and  popularity  aside — remain  impassive  in 
the  presence  of  such  a  policy,  or  even  appear  to  com- 
pound with  it  in  the  slightest  way.  However,  from  1840 
to  1844  he  rarely  appeared  in  the  tribune  to  combat  it. 
But  towards  the  end  of   1844,  the  faults  of  the  adminis- 


ii8  Life  of  Thiers.  [1844-46. 

tration  increased  in  sucii  an  alarming  manner,  the  system 
began  to  display  itself  in  a  series  of  acts  in  which  the 
spirit  of  the  Revolution  and  the  interests  of  patriotism 
were  so  manifestly  disregarded,  that  Thiers  thought  it 
his  duty  to  assume  a  firmer,  more  aggressive  and  more 
systematic  attitude  of  opposition.  He  protested  with  all 
his  force  against  the  Right  of  Search,  and  combated  the 
policy  of  the  English  alliance  with  its  few  advantages,  its 
inconveniences  and  its  humiliations.  On  laying  before 
the  Chamber  a  bill  concerning  secondary  education,*  he 
called  attention  to  the  rights  of  the  State  in  matters  of 
education,  which  he  declared  to  be  those  of  the  new  era, 
the  modern  spirit,  and  pointed  out  the  dangers,  in  the 
form  of  Jesuitical  pretensions,  which  lurked  under  the 
mantle  of  liberty.  The  next  year,  carrying  on  the  same 
fight,  he  remarked  on  the  encroachments  of  the  church, 
favored  by  the  Minister  of  Justice,  M.  Martin  (du  Nord), 
and  M.  de  Salvandy,  Minister  of  Public  Instruction,  and 
did  not  hesitate  to  remind  his  hearers  of  the  laws  abol- 
ishing the  Jesuits,  and  demanded  their  enforcement. f 
Furthermore  he  attacked  the  Jesuits  before  the  public  at 
large  in  his  newspaper,    the  Constitutionnel,  which  pub- 

*  The  system  of  education  in  France  may  be  divided  into  i.  Primary, 
2.    High  School,  {instruction  secondaire,)  3.    University. 

f  A  propos  of  these  two  personages,  we  can  not  refrain  from  recounting 
some  recollections  which  seemed  to  be  signs  of  the  times.  M.  Martin,  the 
protector  ot  the  Jesuits,  was  accustomed  to  indulge  in  the  lowest  habits. 
This  was  brought  up  against  the  society.  Denounced  by  the  police,  he  was 
surprised  in  a  low  resort  and  escaped  by  suicide  from  public  dishonor.  M. 
de  Salvandy,  a  very  worthy  man,  had  a  very  different  character.  Though 
friendly  to  the  Jesuits,  he  did  not  believe  in  the  morality  of  their  education, 
if  we  can  judge  from  what  he  said  at  an  official  dinner  which  we  attended 


Mt.  47-49.]        Rivalry  of  TJiiers  and  Guizot.  1 1 9 

lished  as  a  feuillcton,  Eugene  Sue's  famous  romance  of 
the  Wandering  Jciv.^ 

It  would  be  very  interesting  to  enter  into  details,  and 
to  examine  closely  the  incidents  of  the  struggle  which 
we  well  remember,  in  which  Guizot  and  Thiers  deployed 
all  the  resources  of  their  talent,  but  we  are  forced  to 
choose  and  concentrate  our  attention  on  some  of  the 
more  important  portions. 

The  discussion  in  the  Chamber  of  the  Address  of  1846 
took  place  in  the  midst  of  a  great  fermentation  of  public 
opinion.  People  were  grieved  and  humiliated  more  and 
more  by  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Ministry,  and  above  all 
by  its  unmanly  attitude  towards  England.  They  were 
irritated  by  its  opposition  to  the  simplest  and  most 
popular  liberal  reforms,  and  by  its  ever-growing  con- 
cessions to  the  clergy.  The  friends  of  royalty  were 
afflicted  by  the  increasing  unpopularity  of  the  Ministry, 
which  reflected  back  on  the  King.  His  enemies  were 
delighted  at  this.  Among  these  latter  were  the  legiti- 
mists, to  whom,  however,  many  advances  and  conces- 
sions had  been  made.     They  had  been  hastily  admitted 

in  1846.  At  this  time  the  trial  of  Beauvallon,  who  was,  by  the  way,  one  of 
the  Broglie  Prefects  in  1877,  was  attracting  a  great  deal  of  attention.  Beau- 
vallon had  killed  in  a  duel  Dujarrier,  a  journalist  and  a  lover  of  the  famous 
Lola  Montez,  who  finished  her  curious  career  at  New  York  in  1S61.  "  I 
have  had  the  curiosity,"  said  M.  de  Salvandy,  "to  look  up  the  antecedents 
of  these  different  persons,  and  it  is  a  fact  that  all  of  them  were  educated  at 
religious  estahlishments.  I  wish  to  draw  no  conclusions,  but  yet  this  does 
not  prove  much  in  favor  of  the  claim  which  is  advanced  by  the  Jesuits,  that 
they  make  virtuous  men  and  women  of  their  scholars." 

*  Tlie  Wandering  Jew  is  from  beginning  to  end  an  attack  on  the  spirit  of 
covelousness,  monopoly  and  ambition  of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 


I20  Life  of  Thiers.  [X846. 

into  the  highest  public  offices,  for  no  other  reason  than 
because  of  their  nobihty  or  family  relations,  and  they 
now  began  to  grow  bolder  in  their  opposition,  turning 
against  the  new  monarchy  the  arms  it  had  used  to  over- 
throw the  old.  The  legitimists  argued  in  this  wise: 
The  revolution  of  July  was  an  uprising  against  personal 
government,  but  personal  government  remains.  It  was 
to  bring  about  better  order  at  home,  but  it  has  not  done 
so.  It  was  to  give  greater  liberty  within,  and  to  elevate 
the  prestige  of  France  abroad.     It  has  failed  to  do  both. 

As  for  the  republicans,  the  National  appeared  too 
moderate.  A  new  newspaper,  the  Rdforme,  stronger  and 
more  ardent  in  its  opposition,  was  founded,  and  appeared 
in  the  political  arena  under  the  auspices  of  Ledru-Rollin. 
Then  there  was  the  Socialistic  party,  with  Louis  Blanc, 
Proudhon  *  and  others  at  its  head,  inimical  to  the  present 
order  of  things.  '  And  lastly,  the  clerical  party,  for  which 
the  dynasty  had  done  so  much,  but  which  attacked  it 
all  the  more  bitterly  for  this  very  reason.  The  Univers, 
then  as  now  the  clerical  organ,  complained  daily  that  the 
Church  was  in  a  state  of  servitude,  because  it  had  not 
the  right  to  enslave  everybody  and  everything. 

Thiers,  who  followed  with  an  attentive  eye  this  work  of 

decomposition,  where  the  good  and  the  bad  were  mingled, 

where  the  most  laudable  aspirations  were  not    the  less 

dangerous,  saw  that,  in  order  to  control  the  situation  and 

rule  the  political  parties  or  at   least  to  check  them,  the 

*  Proudhon.  (1809-1865),  the  noted  publicist  and  radical  speculator  on 
social  and  political  subjects. 


.-et.  49.]  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  121 

Government  ought  now  more  than  ever  before  to  change 
its  pohcy,  to  satisfy  generously  the  Hberal  and  patriotic 
demands  of  the  people, and  to  accept  frankly  and  honest- 
ly as  in  1 83 1  and  1832  the  representative  regime.  He  ex- 
pressed these  opinions  frequently  in  the  whole  discussion 
of  the  Address  and  throughout  the  whole  session  of  1846, 
where,  among  other  speeches,  he  delivered  two  remarka- 
ble ones,  that  of  January  2oth,  dealing  with  the  policy  of 
the  Cabinet,  and  that  of  March  17th,  treating  particularly 
of  home  politics  and  parliamentary  reform. 

We  will  only  cite  that  portion  of  his  speech  of 
January  20th,  1846,  where  he  speaks  of  Guizot'^  policy  in 
relation  to  the  Texas  question.  Few  Frenchmen  have 
spoken  with  more  truth  and  syrnpathy  of  the  American 
Republic  than  did  Thiers  on  this  occasion.  It  sounds 
like  an  oration  of  the  centennial  year,  though  pronounced 
thirty  years  before  that  date. 

"If  one  notices  what  has  occurred  in  America  during 
the  last  sixty  years,  he  must  needs  be  surprised.  When 
he  remembers  that  the  day  we  went  to  the  succor  of  the 
United  States,  they  scarcely  occupied  the  shores  of  the 
Atlantic,  that  in  sixty  years  they  have  crossed  the 
Allcghanies,  filled  the  immense  valley  of  the  Mississippi 
with  their  intrepid  settlers,  bordered  the  five  lakes,  attained 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  reached  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  through 
Louisiana,  which  we  gave  up  to  them,  taken  Florida,  and 
that  to-day  they  dispute  Oregon  and  the  coasts  of  the 
Pacific  with  England  ;  when  one  thinks  of  this,  who  can 


122  Life  of  Thiers.  [1846. 

help  experiencing  a  feeling  of  surprise  ?  They  had  but 
three  millions  of  inhabitants,  and  to-day  they  have  from 
eighteen  to  twenty  millions;  they  were  only  thirteen 
States  and  now  they  are  twenty-six  or  twenty-seven ; 
they  had  no  marine  and  to-day  they  have  vessels  and 
frigates.  But  this  is  a  poor  estimate  of  their  powers. 
They  have  an  immense  maritime  population.  They  have 
not  a  great  army,  it  is  true,  but  they  have  among  their 
farmers  fearless  riflemen  who  have  checked  the  English 
army,  trained  in  our  great  wars.  They  possess  in  addition, 
the  tremendous  pride  of  Democracy.  I  think  that  in  the 
presence  of  such  grandeur,  one  may  indeed  stand  surprised. 
"  But,  I  address  myself  to  all  of  you  ;  look  into  your 
hearts,  consult  your  most  secret  instincts,  go  back  to  the 
traditions  of  our  country  for  the  last  quarter  ot  a  century, 
and  tell  me,  are  you  uneasy  and  to  what  degree?  Is 
there  anyone  here  who  thinks  that  this  picture  gives  the 
slightest  ground  for  fears  of  rivalry,  that  it  is  a  source  of 
danger  to  France?  If,  gentlemen,  there  be  any  that  the 
most  piercing  eye  can  discover,  I  declare  myself  either  a 
poor  Frenchman  or  an  ignorant  one,  for  I  can  see  none  ; 
and  I  am  sure  that  the  unfortunate  Louis  XVI,  when  he 
founded  the  United  States,  that  Napoleon  I,  when  he  in- 
creased their  territory  by  giving  up  willingly,  voluntarily, 
Louisiana,  did    not  set  up  rivals  of  France. 

"If  I  were  an  Englishman,  —  a  very  great  honor  I 
assure  you  —  I  should  feel  anxiety,  displeasure,  dis- 
content.      I  am    a    very    decided,    a    very    firm,    a    very 


.Ex.  49.]  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  123 

resolute  partisan  of  the  union  with  England;  but 
I  cannot  identify  myself  with  the  hopes,  with  the  fears, 
with  the  sentiments  of  England,  so  as  to  believe  that 
America  can  be  either  a  rival  or  an  enemy  of  France. 
No,  I  feel  no  anxiety  whatsoever  when  I  contemplate 
the  grandeur  of  America. 

"  I  know  what  national  jealousies  are  as  well  as  an- 
other. I  wish  well  to  all  peoples;  but  of  grandeur,  I 
desire  it  only  for  our  own.  And,  I  declare,  that  America 
is  perhaps  the  only  nation  of  the  world,  after  France, 
which  I  desire  to  see  great." 

The  speech  of  March  17th,  1846,  touched  the  delicate 
and  sensitive  spot  of  the  political  situation,  parliament- 
ary reform.  Thiers  pointed  out  the  corruption  sustained 
and  favored  by  the  presence  of  public  functionaries  in 
the  Chamber — lobbyists,  to  use  an  American  term ;  he 
dwelt  upon  the  state  of  dependence  in  which  a  great 
number  of  deputies  was  placed,  the  inevitable  result  of 
which  was  to  pervert,  to  cast  discredit  upon  the  re- 
presentative system,  and  to  leave  the  way  open  to  per- 
sonal government. 

In  this  question  of  personal  government,  Thiers  had 
clearly  the  advantage  over  his  adversary ;  for  had  not 
Guizot  said  in  his  letter  to  his  constituents,  February 
6th,  1839,  at  the  epoch  of  the  Coalition,  that  "the  King 
did  not  accept  frankly  enough  the  influence  of  the 
country;"  that  the  policy  of  the  M0I6  Ministry  had 
been    "  unpatriotic ,  "  that  the   authority   of   France  had 


124  ^'^f^  9f  Thiers. 


[1846. 


grown  weaker  in  Italy,  Switzerland,  Belgium  and  Spain  ?  * 
I  But,  however  great  the  temptation  was  to  be  personal 
in  the  debate,  Thiers  did  not  take  advantage  of  these  con- 
tradictions, of  these  numerous  changes  of  his  rival,  which 
Berryer  stigmatized  later  when  l;ie  spoke  of  "  the  au- 
daciousness of  the  apostacies."  He  wished  to  aim 
straight  at  Royalty.  The  King  was  his  objective  point 
when  he  indicated  the  deviations  from  the  representa- 
tive system  that  were  increasing  daily ;  for  he  was 
sincerely  grieved  and  indignant  to  see,  as  he  said  at  the 
beginning  of  his  speech,  "  the  government  sprung  from 
the  Revolution  become  more  than  the  accomplice,  the 
dupe  of  the  counter-revolution  at  home  and  abroad." 

More  than  one  of  the  traits  of  Thiers's  character  are 
seen  in  this  speech.  The  loftiness  and  vivacity  of  his 
sentiments  show  themselves  in  a  striking  form  in  that 
passage,  for  example,  where  he  defends  himself  from  the 
charge  of  being  prompted  in  his  attacks  on  Royalty  by 
personal  reasons :  "  I  will  admit  it,  from  the  bottom  of 
my  heart,  that  I  am  almost  ashamed  to  come  here  and 
recall  to  you  all  the  reasons  I  have  for  confidence  in  this 
Royalty,  and,  I  say  this,  gentlemen,  in  all  honesty.  If 
Royalty  has  been  deceived,  if  it  has  been  made  to  doubt 
my  devotion,  my  wounded  dignity  asserts  itself  and  I 
would  not  try  to  undeceive  it.  I  shall  never  try  to  make 
those  believe  in  my  devotion  who  doubt  me."  But  we 
wish  simply  to  point  out  the  object  that  the  orator  had  in 

"  Mtfmoires,  T.  IV.  pp.  454-5- 


jet.  49.]  Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  12S 

view  in  waging  so  fierce  a  war  on  this  Royalty  that  he 
admired.  This  object  was,  as  we  have  said,  the  destruc- 
tion of  personal  government. 

The  defenders  of  Guizot's  course  hold,  that  as  he  had 
a  majority  in  the  Chamber  and  governed  with  this  ma- 
jority, the  essential  conditions  of  representative  govern- 
ment were  fulfilled  and  that  all  the  attacks  made  upon 
the  Government  and  Royalty  were  indefensible.  Thiers 
argued,  on  the  other  hand,  that  unless  Royalty  was  kept 
in  the  background  and  set  aside,  the  representative  regime 
was  a  mere  fiction,  not  a  reality.  He  cited  England, 
where  is  never  heard  "  '  the  queen  wishes  this,  or  the 
queen  wishes  that,'  "  and  he  added,  "  this  is  the  true 
model  of  representative  government.  For  myself,  I  have 
sought  it  since  my  youth.  I  desired  it  under  the  Resto- 
ration ;  I  wished  nothing  else.  I  wrote  in  1829  this 
watchword,  which  has  become  celebrated  :  The  King 
reigns  but  does  not  govern.  I  wrote  this  in  1829.  Do  you 
think  what  I  wrote  in  1829  I  do  not  hold  to  in  1846? 
No,  this  is  my  opinion  still.  But  there  are  able  minds 
that  will  say  to  mc,  '  You  overlook  the  differences  that 
exist  between  France  and  England,'  Whatever  may  be 
said,  I  cannot  see  that  there  are  such  differences  between 
France  and  England  that  one  is  destined  to  have  only  the 
fiction  of  representative  government  while  the  other  has 
the  reality.  But  if  this  were  true,  what  then  ?  Repre- 
sentative government  would  be  impossible  in  France  ! 
Ah,  we  should  have  been  told  so  in  1830  I     *     *     *     We 


126  Life  of  TJiicrs.  [1846-47. 

are  often  informed,"  he  said  in  closing,  "  that  this  will  all 
come  in  due  time.  Very  good.  I  am  reminded  of  the 
noble  language  of  a  German  writer  who,  referring  to 
opinions  which  triumph  late,  said,  '  I  will  place  my  ves- 
sel on  the  highest  promontory  of  the  coast  and  will  wait 
until  the  sea  is  high  enough  to  float  it  off.'  It  is  true 
that  in  supporting  this  opinion  I  place  my  vessel  high,  but 
1  do  not   think  I  have  put  it  on  an  inaccessible  position." 

This  speech  produced  a  profound  sensation  both  with- 
in and  without  the  Chamber.  A  recess  of  twenty 
minutes  followed  its  close.  The  Court  was  keenly 
wounded.  "  As  leader  of  the  Opposition,"  said  the 
Journal  des  Debuts, — "  for  this  is  the  title  he  has  given  to 
himself,  the  crown  he  has  proudly  placed  on  his  own 
head  with  his  own  hands, — a  brilliant  and  successful  career 
still  lies  open  to  M.  Thiers ;  but  as  minister,  after  the 
engagements  he  has  entered  into,  he  would  only  cause 
his  own  ruin  and  that  of  France.  This  speech  of  M. 
Thiers  is  his  compte  rendii.^"^ 

The  newspapers  of  the  Opposition,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  high  in  praise  of  Thiers's  boldness  and  eloquence. 
Armand  Marrast  wrote  in  the  National,  the  organ  of  the 
moderate  Republicans  :  "  We  will  not  try  to  weaken  the 
powerful  impression  that  M.  Thiers  made  to-day  on  all 
who  heard  him.  Though  M.  Thiers  is  an  enemy  of  our 
ideas,  and  though  we  will  never  accept  his,  still  this  will 
not  hinder  us  from  doing  justice  to  the  talent  that  he 

An  allusion  to  the  conipte  rendu  of  Necker,  which  occasioned  the  rupture 
between  him  and  Louis  XVI,  and  his  dismissal  in  xjSq. 


/Et.  49-50.]      Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  127 

has  shown,  and  the  success  that  he  has  attained.  We 
have  never  seen  him  so  full  of  energy,  so  brilliant,  so 
happy.  At  times  he  rose  to  the  loftiest  inspirations. 
His  style,  sometimes  wandering,  beating  about  the  bush, 
scintillant,  was  rapid,  direct,  steady  in  its  blaze.  He 
moved  right  on,  fearless  of  all  obstacles,  and,  it  must  be 
said,  if  that  obstacle  was  the  Throne,  it  did  not  arrest  him." 
In  1847  Thiers's  opposition  to  Guizot,  or  rather  to  per- 
sonal government  in  favor  of  the  "  strictly  veritable  rep- 
resentative government,"  had  arrived  at  its  last  period. 
Public  opinion  was  growing  more  and  more  excited.  It 
had  in  vain  asked  for  parliamentary  reform  ;  it  now  de- 
manded electoral  reform.*  That  the  right  of  suffrage  be 
given  to  those  citizens  who  had  taken  the  degree  of 
licence.^  Lamartine  has  just  launched  a  fire  brand  of 
war  in  his  History  of  the  Girondists,  where  the  Republic 
appeared  radiant  in  the  light  of  an  apotheosis,  and  the 
author,  breaking  away  from  his  former  opinions  against  De- 
mocracy, exclaimed  that  he  was  working  to  found  "  demo- 
cratic fraternity."  Ledru-Rollin's  newspaper,  the  ^r/<?rw^, 
daily  waged  war  on  the  Ministry  and  asserting  the  sacred- 
nessof  the  right  of  public  meeting,  propagated  the  reform 
agitation  of  the  banquet s\\\\^xg.  were  delivered  after-dinner 
speeches  of  a  political  nature,  against  the  Government. 

*  The  system  then  in  vogue  sometimes  presented  astonishing  situations. 
A  newspaper  of  the  period  reported  that  at  the  royal  college  of  Caen,  there 
was  but  one  vote  in  the  whole  personnel — the  doorkeeper!  Jules  Simon, 
who  has  since  been  Prime  Minister  of  France,  was  then  professor  of  phil- 
osophy at  Caen  ! 

f  The  licenci!  is  the  intervening  degree  between  the  baccalaureate  and  the 
doctorate. 


128  Life  of  Thiers.  [1848. 

Thiers,  always  watchful  of  public  opinion,  redoubled 
his  attention  that  he  might  seize  its  import  and  his 
energy,  that  he  might  direct  it.  He  was  leaning  more 
and  more  to  the  Left,  where  he  exerted  an  influence  by 
means  of  the  National.  He  had  other  newspapers,  es- 
pecially the  Constitiitionnel,'^  more  particularly  devoted  to 
him  and  his  policy.  Thiers  felt  that  something  decisive 
was  at  hand  ;  and,  persuaded  that  Guizot,  entangled  in 
his  unpopularity,  would  destroy  Royalty,  he  determined 
to  force  him  to  retire,  without  recourse  however  to  a 
revolution,  and  yet  without  being  frightened  at  the 
chance  of  one. 

The  persistence  of  the  Government  in  its  policy  of  re- 
sistance to  all  the  demands  of  public  opinion,  determined 
the  attitude  of  the  champions  of  the  Opposition  in  the 
discussion  of  the  Address  of  1848.  Thiers  took  the  most 
active  part  in  this  great  and  solemn  tourney.  In  the 
whole  debate  the  orator  only  repeated  what  he  had  said 
often  before.  The  reason  of  this  was  simple  :  at  a  distance 
of  eighteen  years,  under  different  forms  and  circumstances 
it  is  true,  the  Revolution  and  the  counter-revolution 
still  stood  face  to  face.  It  was  a  discussion  concerning 
the  grandeur  or  the  abasement  of  France  that  was 
listened  to  by  the  Chamber  and  the  public.  Thiers, 
therefore,  found    himself  forced  to  reproduce   the   same 

*  Though  Thiers  was  the  founder  of  the  National,  (see  page  30,)  he 
severed  his  connections  with  it  soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  July 
Monarchy,  and  at  the  period  mentioned  in  the  text  he  was  political  direi^tor 
of  the  Coustittitionncl,  on  which  newspaper,  it  will  remembered,  (see  paj^e 
1 5).  he  gained  his  first  journalistic  experience. 


yET.  5r.]         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  129 

arguments,  to  harp  on  the  old  theme.  But  with  what 
brilliant  variations,  with  what  loftiness  of  mind  and 
warmth  of  soul,  with  what  versatile  talent  he  acquitted 
himself  of  the  task,  those  can  tell  who  heard  him.  It  is 
certain  that  nowhere  has  he  been  so  completely  himself, 
nowhere  more  liberal,  nowhere  more  national.  The 
debate  shows  him  to  us  in  his  entirety.  He  echoed  the 
patriotism  of  the  nation  when  he  exclaimed,  referring  to 
the  treaties  of  1815,  "  They  must  be  observed,  but  de- 
tested." Thiers's  political  character  is  depicted  in  its 
completeness  in  the  following  words :  "  I  am  not  radical; 
but  mark  it  well,  I  belong  to  the  party  of  the  Revolution 
in  Europe.  I  favor  only  the  principles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion in  the  hands  of  the  moderate.  I  shall  do  all  I  can 
to  keep  it  in  their  hands  ;  but  if  it  pass  into  hands  that 
are  not  moderate,  I  shall  not,  therefore,  desert  the  cause 
of  the  Revolution.  I  shall  always  stand  by  the  party  of 
the  Revolution." 

The  struggle  was  drawing  to  a  close.  It  was  about  to 
pass  from  the  parliamentary  arena  to  the  streets.  In  every 
conflict  that  sets  parties  and  governments  at  enmity,  there 
is  a  distinct  and  immediate  cause.  In  the  revolution  of 
1848  it  was  the  denial  of  the  right  of  holding  public  meet- 
ings. The  banquets  organized  in  the  autumn  of  1848  by 
the  Opposition  in  the  Departments,  laid  the  train  which 
the  prohibited  banquet  of  February  22nd,  1848,  at  Paris 
ignited.     A  revolution  was  the  result. 

After  a  long  debate  in  the  Chamber  concerning  the 


130  Life  of  Thiers.  [1848 

right  of  holding  public  meetings,  the  Opposition,  weary 
of  abstractions  and  desirous  of  actually  testing  the  ques- 
tion, appointed  a  committee  to  consult  with  the  electors 
of  Paris  concerning  a  banquet  in  that  city,  which  should 
be  "  a  protest  against  arbitrary  pretensions." 

Did  Thiers  foresee  that  the  contest,  if  carried  on  in  this 
way,  if  transferred  to  the  streets,  would  have  a  conclusion 
other  than  that  desired  by  him  and  the  majority  of  the 
Opposition  ?  That  he  at  least  feared  it  can  be  surmised 
from  a  remark  attributed  to  him  :  "  Duvergier  de  Hau- 
ranne  "  *  he  said,  "  thinks  he  will  go  to  the  banquet  in 
yellow  gloves  !  "  Furthermore,  did  Thiers  want  things 
pushed  to  extremes  ?  He  caused  to  be  published  in  the 
Constitutionnel :  "  The  Opposition,  in  assembling,  desires 
only  to  bring  the  question  of  the  right  of  holding  public 
meetings  before  the  courts  for  their  decision."  This  was 
written  on  February  i8th,  and  the  banquet  was  set  down 
for  the  22nd.  On  the  20th  the  Chief  of  Police  prohibited 
the  banquet.  M.  Odilon  Barrot,  in  accord  with  Thiers, 
immediately  called  the  Opposition  together  at  his  house, 
and  it  was  decided  not  to  go  to  the  banquet,  while,  at  the 
same  time,  the  meeting  expressed  the  hope  "  that  good 
citizens  will  abstain  from  all  gatherings  and  illegal  demon- 
strations."    But  it  was  too  late.     The  dispute  was  to  be 

*  Prosper  Duvergier  de  Hauranne,  born  in  1798  and  still  living  (1878),  is  a 
historian,  publicist  and  statesman  ;  a  Doctrinaire  ;  deputy  from  183 1  to 
1847,  and  a  consecutive  deputy  under  the  Republic  of  1848  ;  imprisoned  and 
exiled  by  the  Empire  ;  member  of  the  French  Academy  in  1870  ;  and  father 
of  M.  Ernest  Duvergier  de  Hauranne,  who  has  written  much  on  America, 
in  the  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes. 


yET.  51.]         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  131 

decided  not  by  the  courts  but  by  force,  or,  as  M.  Baroche 
(one  of  the  republican  agitators  of  1848,  who  after- 
wards became  a  minister  of  Napoleon  III,)  said,  by  "  the 
justice  of  the  people."  The  excitement  spread  all  over 
Paris. 

The  Opposition,  nevertheless,  hoped  still  to  direct  the 
movement  to  a  legal  issue.  On  the  22nd  a  demand  for 
the  arraignment  of  the  Ministry  on  the  ground  of  its 
anti-liberal  and  anti-national  policy,  was  signed  by  fifty- 
two  of  the  Opposition  deputies,  among  whom  are  found, 
side  by  side  with  such  notorious  republicans  as  Carnot,* 
Marie,t  and  Gamier-Pages,  these  friends  of  Thiers,  Odilon 
Parrot,  the  Count  de  Maleville,:}:  the  Count  de  Lasteyrie,  § 
Georges  de  Lafayette,!  ^tc.  But,  though  the  banquet  was 
adjourned,  the  Marseillaise  was  sung  in  the  faubourgs, 
and  everywhere  resounded  the  cries  of  "  Down  with 
Guizot  !  "  "  Long  live  Reform  !  "  The  King  now  saw 
that  it  was  necessary  to  yield  to  the  storm  and  sacrifice 
Guizot.     But,  in  his  despair,  he  called  upon  M.  M0I6,  in- 

*  Carnot,  born  in  i8oi  and  still  living  (1878),  son  of  the  celebrated  Carnot 
of  the  Revolution  ;  historian,  publicist  and  statesmen  ;  deputy  from  1839  to 
1848  ;  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  and  deputy  under  the  Republic  of 
1848  ;  member  of  the  Corps  Legislatif  of  the  Empire  ;  and  life  senator 
under  the   jiresent    Republic. 

f  Marie,  (1797 ),  advocate  and  politician  ;  deputy  under  the  July  Mon- 
archy ;  member  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  1848  :  Minister  of  Public 
Works  and  President  of  the  Assembly  under  the  Republic  of  1848  ;  and  a 
member  of  the  Corps  Legislatif  in  1863. 

X  Leon  de  Maleville,  (1803 ),  deputy  in  1834  and  In  1848  ;  retired  to 

private  life  during  the  Empire  ;  and  made  life  senator  by  the  present  Repulic. 

^5  Lasteyrie,  (1810 ).  archccologist  and  politician  ;  deputy  in   1842  and 

under  the  Republic  of  1848  ,  member  of  the  Academy  of  Inscriptions,  i86o  ; 
and  cousin  of  the  Marquis  de  Lasteyrie  ;  and  made  life  senator  under  the 
present  Republic. 

II  Georges  Washington  Lafayette.  (1779-1849,)  son  of  the  great  Lafayette, 
played  a  secondary  part  in  the  political  events  of  the  July  Monarchy. 


132  Life  of  Thiers,  [1848. 

stead  of  having  immediate  recourse  to  a  strong  and  pos- 
sible remedy — Thiers  ;  so  that  when  he  sent  for  Thiers 
on  the  night  of  the  23d-24th,  after  the  refusal  of  M.  Mole 
to  accept  the  responsibility,  all  was  lost  or  at  least  very 
nearly  so. 

At  half  past  ten  on  the  morning  of  the  24th,  Thiers 
addressed  his  first  proclamation  to  the  people,  in  which 
he  announced  that  the  troops  were  ordered  to  cease  firing. 
At  two  o'clock  a  second  proclamation  made  known  "  the 
abdication  of  the  King,  amnesty,  dissolution,  an  appeal  to 
the  country."  But  the  work  was  already  achieved.  The 
troops  had  begun  to  fraternize  with  the  people.  M.  Du- 
pin  had  tried  in  vain  to  proclaim  the  regency  of  the 
Duchess  of  Orleans,  mother  of  the  Count  of  Paris,  in 
whose  favor  the  King  had  abdicated.  A  Provisional 
Government  was  soon  established  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
of  which  Thiers  was  not  a  member.  The  revolution  of 
1848  was  accomplished. 

At  the  close  of  this  new  and  long  trial  of  representa- 
tive monarchy,  which,  like  the  first — that  of  the  Restor- 
ation— ended  in  a  revolution,  an  inevitable  question  pre- 
sents itself  concerning  the  man  who  acted  so  considerable 
a  role  in  the  diverse  phases  of  both  trials :  What  part  of 
the  responsibihty  belongs  to  Thiers  for  the  fall  of  the 
July  Monarchy,  a  fall  which  he  did  not  ask  for,  and 
which,  without  any  doubt,  he  more  than  once  regretted  ? 
M.  Cuvillier-Fleury  has  said  :  "  One  can  trace  through- 
out M.  Thiers's  whole  political  history  this  principle  of 


( 


^T.  51.]        Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  133 

'  the  King  reigning  but  not  governing,'  which  he  not  only 
created  but  boldly  carried  out.  It  was  his  armor :  now 
a  lance  for  attack,  now  a  shield  for  defence.  A  man  can- 
not carry  such  an  arm  without  being  sometimes  trans- 
ported by  the  intoxication  of  the  battle.  With  this  prin- 
ciple of  defensive  and  offensive  warfare,  which  had  be- 
come a  part  of  his  very  being,  M.  Thiers  began  in  1830 
with  a  legal  revolution.  With  this  same  principle  carried 
to  extremes,  he  contributed,  without  intending  it,  towards 
a  second  and  very  different  revolution,  that  of  1848,  thus 
leaving  the  monarchy,  which  he  preferred,  for  the  re- 
public, which  he  had  not  yet  learned  to  like." 

Thiers,  then,  had  carried  too  far,  to  that  degree  of  ex- 
aggeration which  in  a  statesman  would  be  a  very  grave 
fault,  the  application  of  a  legitimate  principle,  which  is 
in  fact  the  political  soul  of  the  French  Revolution,  and 
thus  thoughtlessly  brought  on  the  revolution  of  Feb- 
ruary !  It  would  be  Guizot  then  who  would  stand  justi- 
fied before  history  at  the  expense  of  his  rival.  We  can- 
not agree  with  M.  Cuvillier-Fleury  on  this  point.  Though 
deploring,  doubtless  with  him,  the  turn  that  events  took 
later,  we  cannot  admit  that  Thiers  was  wrong  in  opposing 
the  introduction  and  perpetuation  of  personal  govern- 
ment under  the  mask  that  it  had  assumed  ;  in  attacking 
Royalty,  which  would  shape  the  policy  of  the  country 
to  its  own  liking,  subjecting  it  to  the  bed  of  Procrustes, 
which  would  resort  to  electoral  corruption  to  carry  its 
measures,  which  would  allow  the  influence  of  Jesuitism 


134  Life  of  Thiers.  [1848. 

to  penetrate  everywhere,  and  to  extinguish  at  the  very 
hearth-stone  all  great  and  generous  inspirations.  There 
are  principles  to  which  it  is  impossible  to  subscribe 
and  remain  true  to  one's  self.  Lafayette  has  said  :  "  Sup- 
pose that  a  man  say  that  two  and  two  make  four,  and 
that  a  second  hold  that  two  and  two  make  eight.  What 
would  you  think  of  a  third  who,  to  avoid  the  extremes, 
should  modestly  insinuate  that  it  is  necessary  to  take  a 
middle  term,  and  declare  that  two  and  two  make  six  ?  " 
In  judging  between  Thiers  and  Guizot,  Lafayette's  re- 
mark should  be  kept  in  mind.  Guizot,  to  please  the 
King,  had  adopted  a  policy  which  consisted  in  saying 
that  two  and  two  make  six.  Thiers  did  not  think  that, 
in  order  to  get  the  credit  of  a  false  wisdom,  or  to  gratify 
the  longings  of  ambition,  he  ought  to  deny  point  blank 
the  axioms  of  political  arithmetic  and  the  primary  truths 
of  his  intellect  and  conscience. 

We  are  of  those  who  applauded  the  revolution  of 
1848,  and  who  have  since  regretted  it,  on  seeing  the  long 
chain  of  misfortunes  that  resulted  therefrom  : — a  people 
armed  with  a  right  which  it  did  not  yet  know  how  to 
use,  which  it  turned  against  itself,  which  it  comprehended 
only  after  the  most  cruel  trials ; — a  republic  ignorantly 
thrown  into  the  hands  of  an  adventurer  without  honor  or 
genius  ; — a  petted  bourgeoisie,  brought  by  groundless  fears 
under  the  yoke  of  antiquated  and  long-execrated  doctrines 
— Jesuitism  ; — eighteen  years  of  a  reign  which  corrupted 
public  morality  and  enervated  all  institutions,  and  which, 


^T.  5I-]         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Guizot.  136 

wrecking  itself,  wrecked  France  also,  and  lost  to  her  two 
beautiful  provinces ; — a  new  republic  called  upon  to  re- 
pair the  evils  of  the  fallen  rdgime,  condemned  to  see 
reborn,  under  other  names,  the  same  pretensions  of  per- 
sonal government,  of  arbitrariness,  of  retrogression  towards 
the  deleterious  doctrines  of  the  past.  But  our  regrets,  all 
this  past  of  ruin  and  of  tears — of  which  we  personally 
have  had  more  than  our  share — will  not  render  us  unjust 
to  Thiers.  He  did  what  he  ought  to  have  done,  and  all 
this  desolate  retrospect  had  been  bright — it  is  our  honest 
conviction — if  his  policy  had  prevailed  against  Guizot's. 

There  are  often  singular  coincidences  in  contemporary 
impressions  and  conclusions.  Thiers  has  been  more  than 
once  condemned  by  judges  actuated  by  entirely  different 
sentiments  and  opinions. 

On  September  4th,  1870,  at  the  moment  when  Thiers's 
motion  concerning  the  vacancy  of  the  throne  and  the 
nomination  of  a  provisional  governmental  commission  was 
adopted  in  the  Corps  Legislatif,  Begere,  who  afterwards 
was  a  member  of  the  Paris  Commune,  penetrated  into 
the  lobby  of  the  Chamber.  A  group  of  deputies  sur- 
rounded Thiers,  to  whom  the  adoption  of  his  motion 
was  announced.  B^g^re  broke  into  the  conversation, 
and  said  to  the  circle,  as  he  pulled  out  his  watch :  *'  The 
people  gave  the  Chamber  two  hours  to  make  a  govern- 
ment; it  is  a  quarter  past  three  now;  it  is  too  late!" 
And  when  Thiers  protested,  Bcg^rc,  placing  his  hand  on 
his  arm,  said  :     "  Come,  come,  M.  Thiers,  don't  get  angry  ; 


136  Life  of  Thiers,  [1848. 

you  are  well  versed  in  overturning  governments,  you, 
who  have  overturned  two  or  three."  On  Thiers  denying 
this,  the  unsparing  B^gere  answered  :  "  Well,  all  right, 
you  overturned  one  and  you  suffered  the  others  to  be 
overturned." 

There  was  more  justice  in  M.  Begere's  opinion  than 
in  that  of  M.  Cuvillier-Fleury.  Thiers  overturned  but 
one  government,  that  of  the  Restoration.  The  others 
were  overturned  without  his  aid,  sometimes  in  spite  of 
him.  To  speak  only  of  the  July  Monarchy,  the  responsi- 
bility for  this  catastrophe  should  be  laid  at  the  door  of  the 
King,  a  man  of  ability,  full  of  good  intentions,  a  friend 
of  the  Revolution,  Voltairian  and  skeptic,  but  often, 
through  feebleness  and  regard  for  family,  yielding  to  the 
influences  of  the  old  regime,  and,  in  a  word,  unfaithful  to 
the  two  great  moral  forces  which  had  placed  him  in 
power,  the  spirit  of  liberty  and  of  nationalism. 

M.  Saint-Marc  Girardin,  in  his  So?ivenirs  and  Political 
Reflections,  says  that  Louis-Philippe  was  in  the  habit  of 
looking  upon  the  National  Guard  of  Paris,  "  as  the  ac- 
knowledged armed  interpreter  of  public  opinion,"  and  that 
when  he  learned  that  some  of  its  battalions  appeared  to 
be  pronouncing  against  him,  he  considered,  (too  soon  in 
the  opinion  of  M.  Girardin),  that  all  was  lost.  Then  it  was 
that  he  made  this  remark  to  those  who  advised  him  to 
use  force :  "  What,  would  you  have  me  fire  on  my  elec- 
tors?" 

The  King  was  right ;  but  in  thus  giving  the  true  state 


jet.si.]         Rivalry  of  Thiers  and  Gtiizot.  137 

of  the  situation,  he  condemned  himself;  he  condemned 
that  poHcy  which  ended  by  ahenating  from  him  his  old 
friends,  his  electors,  to  use  his  own  words,  because  he 
would  substitute  his  own  ideas  for  theirs,  because  he 
tried  no  longer  to  comprehend  them,  because  he  turned 
against  himself,  the  sentiments  and  principles  to  which 
he  owed  the  Crown ;  and,  in  condemning  himself,  he 
justified  Thiers  as  well  against  M.  Cuvillier-Fleury  as 
M.  Begere.  Governments  stand  only  by  being  logical, 
by  being  faithful  to  their  principles  and  their  origin. 
And,  if  we  may  again  refer  to  Senator  Sumner's  remark:* 
"  Paris  is  not  worth  a  mass,"  for  nothing  is  worth  so 
much  as  principles.  But  if  to  get  possession  of  Paris,  it 
is  essential  to  go  to  mass,  and  if  going  to  mass  does  not 
demand  the  sacrifice  of  principle,  then  it  is  necessary  to 
continue  attending  mass  or  give  up  the  city.  Apostasies, 
even  sincere  ones,  in  the  long  run  accomplish  nothing  in 
politics. 

*  See  the  beginninii  of  Chapter  111,  page  50. 


CHAPTER  V. 

REPUBLIC   OF    1848.— 1 848-1 852. 

Thiers  did  not  wish  for  the  Revolution  of  1848 ;  but  it 
is  not  true  that  he  accepted  the  Republic  unwillingly^ 
and  with  mental  reservations  of  a  monarchical  nature. 
Neither  his  past  nor  his  principles  absolutely  separated 
him  from  a  republic.  He  had  celebrated  its  heroes  in 
his  History  of  the  French  Revolution  with  as  much  enthu- 
siasm, if  not  with  as  much  pomp  and  poetry,  as  had  La- 
martine  in  his  Girondists.  He  regretted  its  fall  under 
the  hand  of  Bonaparte  November  9th,  1799,  in  spite  of 
the  fascination  that  the  genius  of  the  destructor  exer- 
cised over  his  young  imagination.  It  was  implicitly 
contained  in  his  celebrated  formula  :  "  The  King  reigns  but 
does  not  govern."  He  had  attacked  the  Old  Monarchy  as 
if  by  way  of  reprisal,  and  it  was  not  his  fault  if  the  New 
Monarchy,  to  which  he  was  warmly  attached,  did  not 
understand  the  meaning  of  his  assault,  if  the  threat  was 
accomplished  at  its  expense.  If  he  was  provoked  at  the 
unexpected  revolution  of  1848,  and  alarmed  at  the  tre- 
mendous uncertainty  that  it  threw  about  the  future  of 


^T.  51.]  Republic   of  1848.  139 

the  country,  he  had  too  much  patriotism  to  allow  the 
accomplished  fact  to  pursue  without  him  the  new  career 
so  brusquely  opened,  a  career  that  might  be  a  bloody 
arena ;  and  he  had  too  great  an  intellect  to  be  incensed 
or  sulky  over  it.  After  the  first  moment  of  stupor  had 
passed  away,  he  came  forward  to  the  support  of  the  Re- 
public. On  March  8th,  1848,  he  addressed  the  following 
letter  of  acceptance  to  the  electors  of  the  department 
of  the  Bouches-du-Rhone : 

*  *  "  I  am  ready  to  resist  tyranny  in  every  shape,  but 
I  shall  never  resist  the  force  of  circumstances  unequivo- 
cally manifested.  I,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  Republic 
without  any  reservations,  but  I  do  not  intend  to  disavow 
any  part  of  my  life.  I  have  concluded,  therefore,  to  accept 
the  nomination  from  feelings  of  duty,  devotion  and 
honor,  not  that  I  may  work  in  the  future  National 
Assembly  for  a  disguised  Restoration,  but  that  I  may 
work  there  openly  to  establish  the  new  Republic  on  a 
durable  and  solid  foundation." 

This  declaration,  as  lofty  as  sincere,  was  not  equal  to 
the  suspicions  and  imputations  then  rife  concerning 
Thiers's  conversion  to  republicanism :  he  was  defeated. 
This  injustice  was,  however,  soon  requited.  In  the  com- 
plemental  elections  of  June  8th,  1848,  he  was  chosen  in 
the  four  departments  of  the  Seine,  Mayenne,  Ornc  and 
Seinc-Inf6rieure.    He  decided  to  represent  the  Seine. 

Events  succeeded  each  other  with  that  giddy  rapidity 


140  Life  of  Thiers.  [1848. 

characteristic  of  sudden  revolutions.  The  Days  of  June* 
had  mortally  wounded  the  new  Republic,  because  the  in- 
surrection had  maddened  the  multitude  and  furnished  the 
enemy  pretexts  for  opposing  it.  The  election  of  Decem- 
ber lOth,  1848,  had  introduced  that  enemy  into  power, 
by  confiding  the  destinies  of  France  to  the  inheritor  of  the 
name  of  him  whom  Thiers  called,  in  a  letter  to  Guizot, 
"  the  greatest  of  men."  Neither  threats  nor  popular  en- 
thusiasm caused  Thiers  to  lose  sight  of  his  principles,  or 
of  the  promise  which  he  had  given  to  support  the 
form  of  government  which  represented  them  at  this 
moment. 

On  February  15th,  1850,  when  the  Empire  was  being 
prepared,  he  pronounced  these  words,  so  often  repeated 
since  :  "  The  Republic  has  this  advantage  in  my  eyes  :  of 
all  governments  it  divides  us  the  least."  Nor  did  he 
forget  that  it  had  another  claim,  that  of  being  the  child 
of  the  Revolution.  A  short  time  before  the  coup  d'tftat, 
when  Napoleon,  in  order  to  accomplish  his  ends,  did 
not  blush  to  make  use  of  the  enemies  of  the  Revolution 
to  smother  it,  while  at  the  same  time  he  pretended 
to  be  its  continuator  and  inheritor,  Thiers  spoke  in  the 
tribune    of  the    Legislative   Assembly  in    this   manner: 

*The  Assembly,  by  the  decree  of  June  22nd,  1848,  ordered  a  number  of 
workmen  of  the  National  workshops  to  enroll  themselves  in  the  army.  In 
case  of  refusal,  they  were  to  be  discharged  from  the  workshops.  A  terrible 
insurrection,  lasting  from  June  22nd  to  June  28th,  was  the  result.  Paris 
was  declared  in  a  state  of  seige,  and  General  Cavaignac  was  made  Dictator 
by  the  Government.  Eleven  generals  were  killed  or  wounded,  the  Archbishop 
of  Paris  lost  his  life,  and  thousands  of  people  and  soldiers  were  slain  before 
order  was  restored. 


^^T.  51.]  Republic  of   1848.  141 

"  Yes,  we  are  Jacobins,  and  we  would  not  be  anything 
else;  yes,  we  are  of  the  people's  party,  Jacobins,  together 
with  Mirabeau,  Sieyes  and  Barnave.  On  our  side  are 
also  found  the  Jacobins  who  suffered  and  died  like 
Lafayette.  The  Jacobins,  in  our  eyes,  are  all  those  men 
who  since  1789  have  uttered  a  prayer  for  liberty;  yes, 
we  are  glad  to  be  members  of  this  Jacobin  party.  It 
would  be  base  to  desert  the  cause  of  the  Revolution,  to 
which  we  are  indebted  for  all  that  we  are.  Our  adversa- 
ries themselves,  who  defame  and  calumniate  the  Revolu- 
tion, owe  a  new  existence  to  it,  a  new  nobility,  liquidated 
debts,  the  freedom  which  they  employ  against  it,  all, 
even  the  very  bread  that  they  eat." 

This  language  not  only  attests  Thiers's  constancy  to 
his  principles,  but  it  was  also  a  political  act  which  pub. 
lished  to  the  world  his  attitude  in  regard  to  the  new 
order  of  things.  At  the  same  time,  he  struck  a  blow  at 
the  enemies  of  the  French  Revolution,  at  the  legiti- 
mists and  the  clericals,  and  at  all  those  who,  while  pre- 
tending to  restore  the  Revolution,  shut  out  liberty,  its 
very  essence  :  he  arraigned,  in  fact,  the  abettors  of  social- 
ism and  Caesarism.  To  both  he  distinctly  said  that  they 
would  have  to  reckon  with  him.  It  was  with  socialism 
that  events  first  brought  him  face  to  face. 

On  January  4th,  1839,  Lamartine,  in  a  great  speech,  in 
the  course  of  which,  while  referring  to  the  July  Monarchy 
as  a  government  of  transition,  and  revealing  a  leaning 
towards   a   Republic,  he   thought   it   his  duty  to  defend 


142  Life  of  Thiers.  [1848. 

the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown  against  the  attacks  of  the 
Coalition,  was  interrupted  byArago,  the  astronomer,  who, 
called  out  to  him  from  his  seat :  "  And  the  socialistic 
party?"  "  The  socialistic  party  ?"  responded  Lamartine  ; 
I  am  asked  what  the  socialistic  party  is  ?  Gentlemen,  it 
is  not  yet  a  party ;  it  is  an  idea."* 

Lamartine  was  right.  The  socialistic  party  was  then 
only  an  idea.  He  would  have  been  more  correct,  if  he 
had  said  that  it  will  always  be  an  idea ;  and  he  would 
have  come  still  nearer  the  truth,  if  he  had  said  that  the 
socialistic  party  is  found  everywhere,  and  at  all  times, 
pertaining  to  all  parties,  since  they  all,  through  politics, 
strive  after  a  certain  type  of  society  which  is  the  force 
and  raison  d'etre  of  each  of  them.  We  have,  however, 
recalled  this  incident  because  it  displays  two  tendencies, 
and  shows  the  republican  party  thus  early  divided  into 
two  factions,  in  one  of  which,  poHtical  questions  domi- 
nate, in  the  other,  social  matters ;  the  one,  taking  civil 
society  as  produced  by  the  upheaval  of  1789,  sees  in  a 
republic  only  a  means  of  ameliorating  it ;  the  other, 
bolder  and  less  patient,  would  bring  about  an  immediate 
reform,  not  hesitating  sometimes  to  employ  dictatorial 
measures  in  order  to  set  up  its  ideals.  Arago,  Marrast, 
General  Cavaignac,  Cremieux,f  Garnier-Pages,  Michel  de 

*  Mem.  de  Guizot,  T.  IV.,  p.  2go. 

f  Cremieux,  born  in  1796  and  still  living,  (1878),  is  a  distinguished  advo- 
cate and  politician  ;  a  radical  deputy  in  1842  ;  Minister  of  Justice  in  the 
Provisional  Government  of  1848  ;  deputy  under  the  Republic  of  1848,  and 
again  in  1869  ;  Minister  rf  Justice  in  the  Provisional  Government  of  1870; 
deputy  in  1872,  and  now  life  senator.  As  president  of  the  Universal  Israelite 
Alliance  of  Paris^  he  has  done  much  for  the  Jewish  race  all  over  the  world. 


^T.  51.]  Republic   of  1848.  143 

Bourges,  Ledru-Rollin  and  Lamartine  himself  belonged 
to  the  first  of  these  divisions;  Louis  Blanc,  Pierre  Le- 
roux,*  Proudhon  and  Consid6rant,t  though  differing  pro- 
foundly, may  be  classed  under  the  second  division. 
Thiers,  when  he  came  over  to  the  Republic,  could,  of 
course,  associate  himself  only  with  the  first. 

We  already  know  Thiers  well  enough  to  be  sure  that 
if  he  took  up  arms  against  socialism,  he  would  not  hesi- 
tate to  aim  his  weapons  at  its  most  dangerous  represen- 
tative, and,  in  his  desire  to  destroy  the  system,  would  not 
recoil  from  charging  the  very  centre  of  the  armed  square. 

Socialism,  to  take  the  vague  and  elastic  word  that  has 
prevailed,  had  affected  many  forms  and  many  systems,  and 
under  the  various  names  of  Icarianism,  X  Phalansterian- 
ism,§  the  Rights  of  Labor,  Babceuvism,||  Communism,  etc. 
had  offered  many  panaceas  to  the  public.  Some  laughed, 
seeing  in  the  Utopias  of  this  intellectual  movement  only 
the  natural  product  of  a  great  and  agitated  society, 
the   play   of   the    imagination,  or   innocent    inspirations 

*  Pierre  Leroux,  (1798-1871,)  was  one  of  the  early  socialists,  becoming  an 
ardent  advocate  of  Saint  Simonianism  in  1831  ;  Deputy  in  1S48  ;  left  France 
after  the  coup  d't'iat  of  1851  and  did  not  return  until  1869. 

f  Considerant,   (180S )  was   the  chief  advocate  of  the  social  system 

named  after  its  founder,  Fourierism  ;  deputy  in  1848  ;  founded  a  colony 
called  Reunion,  near  San  Antonio,  Texas  ;  returned  to  France  in  1S69. 

tEtienneCabet,{i788-i856,)a  French  socialist  and  radical  democrat,  pub- 
lished in  1842  a  romantic  socialistic  book  entitled  Travels  in  Icaria,  which 
enjoyed  great  popularity  among  the  working  classes  of  Paris.  He  established 
several  communistic  colonies  in  this  country. 

§  Phalansterianism  is  derived  from  phalanslen',  a  large  building  intended 
to  be  the  common  dwelling  of  all  the  members  of  a  social  organization  es- 
tablished upon  the  plan  of  the  French  socialist,  Charles  Fourier. 

I  So  called  from  Habrcuf.  who,  a  French  socialist  of  the  last  century,  as- 
sumed the  name  of  ' '  Caius  Gracchus."  He  advocated  equality  and  community 
of  property. 


144  ^?/^  of  Thiers.  [1843. 

analogous  to  those  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount ;  others 
excused  the  movement,  considering  these  ideahties,  the 
fermentations,  and  necessary  stimulants  of  social  activity, 
like  the  mirage  of  the  desert,  which  keeps  up  the  strength 
of  the  traveler,  by  holding  out  to  him  an  oasis ;  but  the 
more  thoughtful,  without  yielding  to  needless  alarm, 
recognized  in  socialism  warnings  for  a  selfish  society  too 
forgetful  of  the  destitute.  But  when  socialism  along 
with  the  February  Republic  entered  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
backed  by  a  population  exalted  by  a  revolution,  deep 
apprehensions  were  awakened,  and  as  socialism,  whether 
it  wish  it  or  not,  is  always  looked  upon  by  the  great  mass 
of  people  as  an  attack  upon  property,  property  was 
alarmed.  Reflection  easily  proves,  that  in  a  nation  which 
numbers  more  than  seven  millions  of  property  holders, 
whose  soil  already  so  worked,  can  still  produce  more  than 
five  times  what  it  now  produces,  whose  personal  property 
is  continually  increasing,  whose  manifold  and  immense 
activity  finds  so  many  outlets, — in  such  a  nation,  it 
is  evident  that  property  is  impregnable,  and  need  fear 
no  danger.  But  reflection  counts  for  little  in  times  of  re- 
volution. This  solicitude,  though  it  had  no  foundation  in 
fact,  was  none  the  less  real ;  and  the  anti-republicans,  fur- 
thermore, vied  with  each  other  in  turning  it  against  the 
Republic  and  the  Revolution. 

Hence  it  was  that  Thiers  did  his  utmost  to  calm  the 
fears  of  those  who  thought  property  in  danger,'  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  to  show  the  socialists,  that,  if  it  were  true, 


1 


^T.  51.]  Republic  of   1848.  145 

that  they  wished  to  found  a  society  which  should  exclude 
property  and  its  essential  consequences,  the  family  and 
transmissions  by  inheritance,  they  were  pursuing  a 
chimaera.  He,  therefore,  attacked  Proudhon,  him,  who 
surpassing  in  his  boldness  all  the  other  innovators  more 
or  less  threatening  to  property,  had  dared  to  cast  at 
society  his  audacious  paradox :  Property  is  robbery.'^ 

Thiers's  book  deserves  to  be  known,  and  we  shall  con- 
sequently analyze  it  at  some  length.  It  is  not  a  book 
written  for  the  moment.  The  author,  it  is  true,  threw  it 
off  in  three  months  in  the  country,  to  which  he  had  re- 
tired, and  where, — as  he  remarked  in  the  preface  of  the 
book  with  a  little  choler — he  enjoyed"  the  repose  which  the 
voters  of  his  native  province  had  procured  for  him."  But 
the  ideas  had  been  revolving  in  his  mind  for  three  years, 
and  he  had  a  right  to  hope  the  book  would  survive  the 
time  which  saw  it  produced. 

The  work  is  divided  into  four  parts.  In  the  first  Thiers 
shows  how  the  right  of  ownership  in  property  has  been 
questioned  in  our  century,  and  then  goes  on  to  say, 
that  the  study  of  human  nature  is  the  only  method  to  be 
employed  in  settling  what  are  the  rights  of  man  in  so- 
ciety. Man  possesses  in  his  personal  faculties  a  primary 
and  incontestable  property,  which  is  the  cause  and  origin 
of  all  the  others ;  a  secondary  property,  property,  strictly 
speaking,  the  result  of  labor,  and  held  sacred  by  society 
in  the  interest  of  all,  is  but  the  consequence  of  the  ex- 

*  La  propricte,  c'est  le  vol. 


146  Life  of  Thiers.  [1848. 

ercise  of  the  human  faculties  themselves.  This  principle 
established,  he  easily  proves  that  inequality  of  riches  arises 
necessarily  from  inequality  of  abilities.  Passing  on  to 
the  transmission  of  property,  he  undertakes  to  show  that 
without  this  essential  condition,  the  right  of  property  is 
incomplete  and  almost  useless.  Finally,  the  author  ex- 
amines the  different  modes  of  transmission,  the  accumu- 
lation of  wealth  and  its  functions  in  society,  and  closes 
by  showing  that  the  universe,  far  from  being  devastated 
by  the  growing  extension  of  property,  is,  on  the  contrary 
rendered  more  fit  for  the  wants  of  man,  more  capable  of 
development,  in  a  word,  that  property  civilizes  the  world 
instead  of  usurping  it. 

The  second  part  is  given  up  to  communism.  In  the 
author's  opinion,  communism  gives  rise  to  community 
of  possessions  and  goods,  extinguishes  all  ardor  for  work, 
denies  absolutely  human  liberty,  destroys  the  family  in 
destroying  property,  its  sine  qua  non,  and,  consequently, 
extinguishes  the  noblest  sentiments  of  human  nature. 
In  fine,  it  is  but  a  poor  imitation,  a  sort  of  counterfeit  of 
monasticism,  which  only  aggravates  the  contradictions 
that  render  this  latter  plan  of  life  impossible. 

The  third  book  brings  us  face  to  face  with  socialism 
properly  so-called.  After  showing  how  the  adversaries  of 
property,  not  always  daring  to  throw  it  absolutely  aside, 
have  ended,  in  their  efforts  to  correct  what  they  consider 
to  be  an  evil,  by  adopting  different  systems,  as  co-opera- 
tive   association,  community  of   possessions  and   goods. 


^T.  51.]  Republic  of  1848.  147 

and  labor  rights,  he  endeavors  to  find  out  what  are  the 
real  social  evils  that  ought  to  be  remedied.  In  his  eyes, 
co-operation  is  applicable  only  in  certain  agglomerated 
populations,  among  the  working  classes  of  the  cities  ; 
there  only  can  it  hope  to  succeed.  As  to  the  capital 
of  the  co-operative  association,  if  it  be  furnished  by  the 
State,  it  is  unjustly  taken  from  the  pockets  of  the  mass 
of  the  taxpayers,  and,  if  it  be  deducted  from  the  wages  of 
the  workmen,  it  is  an  imprudent  investment  of  their 
savings.  Good  business  management  under  the  co- 
operative system  is  impossible,  and  tends  to  substitute 
for  the  principle  of  personal  interest,  which  is  alone  suit- 
able to  private  industry,  the  principle  of  general  interest, 
which  is  applicable  only  in  the  government  of  states. 
By  the  abolition  of  competition,  piece-work  is  destroyed, 
and  the  workman  is  thus  prevented  from  participating  in 
the  benefits  of  capital.  Competition  is  the  source  of  all 
amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  poorer  classes,  and, 
competition  removed,  there  remains  a  monopoly  to  the 
profit  of  the  co-operative  workmen,  at  the  expense  of 
those  who  are  not  so  fortunate  as  to  be  associated  with 
them.  Cheapness  cannot  be  brought  about  by  legis- 
lation, and  specie  could  not  be  safely  replaced  by  paper, 
unless  this  paper  is  as  difficult  to  obtain  as  the  coin  itself. 
The  obligation  imposed  upon  society  to  furnish  work  to 
those  who  want  it,  cannot  constitute  a  right.  Socialists 
attack  property  none  the  less  than  communists,  and  it  is 
noticeable  that  they  are  concerned  about  but  one  part  of 
the  people,  those  agglomerated  in  cities. 


148  Life  of  TJiie7's.  [£848. 

The  fourth  division  of  the  book  treats  of  taxes.  Ac- 
cording to  Thiers,  it  is  not  true,  as  some  pretend,  that 
governments  have  had  as  their  chief  object,  during  all 
these  centuries,  to  unburden  one  class  of  citizens  at  the 
expense  of  the  others,  to  take  money  where  it  was  the 
easiest  to  find  it.  Taxes  should  be  levied  on  all  kinds  of 
revenues,  whether  arising  from  property  or  toil.  They 
should  be  proportional  not  progressional.  He  thinks  taxes 
are  tending  towards  infinite  diversification  :  they  will  be 
equally  and  universally  distributed,  will  become  confound- 
ed with  the  price  of  things,  in  such  a  way  that  each  person 
will  support  his  share  of  the  impost,  not  by  reason  of 
what  he  pays  to  the  State,  but  by  reason  of  what  he  con- 
sumes. The  modifications  in  the  system  of  taxation, 
which  will  do  the  most  good  to  the  laboring  classes,  are 
not  those  most  commonly  proposed. 

M.  Louis  Veuillot,  who  is  the  authorized  mouth-piece 
of  the  Papacy  in  France,  in  speaking  of  Thiers's  attack  on 
socialism,  wrote  the  following  lines  :  ''  M.  Thiers  has 
experienced  the  fearful  shudder  that  socialism  gave 
him,  when  it  finally  appeared,  coming  forth  from  the 
depths  of  the  revolutionary  dogmas.  Before  this  mon- 
ster he  found  himself  helpless.  The  absolute  weakness 
of  his  book  against  Proudhon  is  remembered.  To  answer 
Proudhon  it  was  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  the  Cate- 
chism, to  Catholicism.  M.  Thiers  never  imagined  that 
the   Catechism    contained  arguments  against  Proudhon, 


\ 


.-et.  51.]  Republic  of   1848.  149 

and  Donoso  Cortes*  could  not  convince  him  of  it,  so 
incapable  was  his  dull  intellect  of  grasping  the  point,  so 
completely  did  his  famous  good  sense  abandon  him  at 
this  moment.  A  Pagan  cannot  be  an  able  statesman  at 
fifty  :  he  has  too  much  vanity  to  study  the  Catechism  and 
learn  its  lessons.  Then,  Thiers  sought  Louis  Napoleon 
and  began  to  recover  ground  slowly,  until  Louis  Na- 
poleon threw  him  off,  thinking  that  he  had  no  need  of 
him,  and  believing  that  he  could  stand  alone.  Thiers  and 
Louis  Napoleon  closely  resembled  each  other,  though 
Thiers  was  no  dreamer.  Both  were  vain.  In  his  spite, 
Thiers  passed  judgment  on  Napoleon  in  this  wise  :  *  I 
like  the  kitchen,  but  not  the  cook.'  This  witticism  re- 
flected more  severely  on  himself  than  on  Napoleon. "f 

M.  Louis  Veuillot  has  seldom  more  maladroitly  tor- 
tured common  sense  and  dressed  up  history,  than  in 
these  lines,  written  almost  the  day  after  Thiers's  death. 
How  could  Thiers  think  of  arming  himself  with  the 
Catechism  against  the  "  red  spectre,"  in  a  society  which  no 
longer  believed  in  the  Catechism,  and  where  even  those 
who  professed  to  believe  in  it,  scarcely  did  more  than  to 
mumble  over  its  precepts  with  their  lips  ?  He  thought 
to  do  better,  by  addressing  himself  to  men's  reason  and 
interests,  by  pointing  to  the  experience  of  history,  the 

♦Donoso  Cortes,  (1809-1853),  was  a  Spanish  author  and  diplomate  ;  con- 
servative in  politics  and  a  vigorous  defender  of  Catholicism.  His  Essay  on 
Catholicism,  Liberalism,  and  Socialism,  written  in  1851,  is  referred  to  in 
the  text. 

\  L  Univers,  September  16th,  1877.  This  is  the  chief  Catholic  organ  in 
France,  and  M.  Veuillot  is  its  editor. 


i5o  Life  of  Thiers.  [1S48. 

sentiments  and  beliefs  of  all  ages  and  places,  which 
passion  might  violate  in  moments  of  trouble,  but  whose 
truths  could  never  be  completely  extinguished.  He  had 
not  to  do  with  men  of  the  Middle  Ages,  but  with  the 
descendants  of  Voltaire,  who,  on  account  of  the  June  in- 
surrection, began  to  lose  faith  in  the  philosopher,  and  with 
the  disciples  of  Rousseau,  led  astray  by  sophisms  or  a  desire 
to  better  the  world.  As  regards  M.  Veuillot's  comparison 
of  Louis  Napoleon  and  Thiers,  nothing  more  absurd  can 
be  imagined. 

Contemporary  history  does  not  present  two  more  dis- 
similar persons,  two  more  opposite  opinions  concerning 
the  ways  and  the  needs  of  France.  Never  was  there  a 
man  more  positive  than  Thiers,  more  regardful  of  rights 
and  law  ;  never  was  there  a  man  more  chimerical  than 
Napoleon,  more  selfish,  and  more  disposed,  in  order  to 
accomplish  his  object,  to  trample  on  the  rights  and  laws 
of  his  country.  Furthermore,  there  was  nothing  in 
Napoleon  III  to  attract  Thiers.  He  knew  his  origin: 
he  was  well  aware  that  the  future  Caesar,  who  was  about 
to  avail  himself  of  the  true  Caesar's  name,  had  not  proba- 
bly a  drop  of  the  true  Caesar's  blood  in  his  veins.  He 
saw  that  Louis  Napoleon  threatened  all  that  he  loved, 
all  that  he  had  worked  for,  that  he  was  both  a  mediocre 
and  a  dreamer,  and,  consequently,  to  be  doubly  feared, 
on  account  of  his  pretensions  and  incapacity.  It  would 
have  been  the  height  of  folly,  for  a  man  like  Thiers, 
to  think  one  instant  of  attaching  himself  to  the  fortunes 


.■E-r.  51.]  Republic  of  1848.  i5i 

of  Louis  Napoleon.  And  yet,  after  the  Days  of  June, 
when  Louis  Napoleon  offered  himself  as  a  candidate  for 
the  presidency  of  the  Republic,  in  opposition  to  General 
Cavaignac,  Thiers  voted  against  the  general,  whom  he 
esteemed,  in  favor  of  the  prince,  whom  he  despised.* 
Here  is  an  apparent  contradiction  which  has  often  been 
thrown  up  at  Thiers.     It  must  be  explained. 

Thiers  always  sought  order  and  liberty,  always  labored 
for  their  alliance  ;  and  in  contests  where  they  were  found 
to  clash,  he  always  ranged  himself  on  the  side  of  the  one 
he  thought  the  most  threatened.  After  the  sanguinary 
Days  of  June,  which  had  agitated  the  whole  of  France 
and  terrified  the  conservatives,  order  seemed  to  be  in  the 
greatest  peril.  Now,  the  party  of  order  had  but  two  can- 
didates, General  Cavaignac  and  Prince  Louis  Napol- 
eon. The  general  since  his  June  victory  had  lost  much 
of  his  popularity  in  the  republican  party,  which,  opposing 
him  with  Ledru-Rollin  and  Raspailf  was  thus  divided. 
The  whole  order  party  rallied  around  the  prince,  either 
on  account  of  fear  or  hatred  of  the  Republic,  filled  with 
the  secret  hope  of  seeing  it  soon  fall  under  the  weight  of 
dif^cultics,  which  it  was  not  thought  capable  of  sup- 
porting. Thiers  could  not  be  influenced  solely  by  such 
sentiments:  it  was  "  the  force  of  circumstances  unequiva- 

*  It  was  held  at  the  time,  that  he  said  that  "  the  election  of  Louis  Napo- 
leon would  be  a  disgrace  to  France."  Thiers  denied  it  emphatically  in 
the  Chamber.  M.  Hixio,  a  deputy,  cried  out  :  "  I  heard  it."  Thiers  at 
the  end  of  the  silting,  sent  seconds  to  M.  Bixio,  and  a  duel  was  fought 
immediately  in  the  gardens  of  the  palace  of  the  Assembly. 

■f  Raspail,  (1794-1 S 78),  the  famous  radical  agitator,  who  fought  in  the 
streets  in  1830  and  1S48,  and  was  connected  with  the  Commune  in  1S70-71. 


1 52  Life   of    Thiers.  [1848-49. 

cally  manifested,"  as  he  said  in  his  letter  of  acceptance 
to  the  electors  of  the  Bouches-du-Rhone,  that  weighed 
with  him.  He  hesitated  a  long  time,  before  he  yielded 
to  the  pressure. 

To  use  the  words  of  M.  Louis  Veuillot,  would  the 
kitchen,  that  was  about  to  be  gotten  ready,  meet  with  his 
favor?  No,  no  more  than  the  cook.  Thiers  did  not  like 
Caesarism  any  more  than  he  did  socialism.  The  Republic 
still  existed  though  Louis  Napoleon  was  its  president, 
and  Thiers  will  be  found  defending  this  Republic  against 
Cffisarism  as  he  had  defended  it  against  socialism.  He 
bowed  before  the  force  of  circumstances,  but  not  to  the 
point  of  sacrificing  the  principles  and  convictions  of  his 
life. 

It  is  but  just  to  say  of  the  old  liberal  party,  of  the  old 
dynastic  Opposition,  vanquished  in  February,  with  the 
Dynasty  itself,  and  even  of  a  great  part  of  the  majority 
which  followed  Guizot,  that  it  remained  true,  in  spite  of 
the  part  that  it  took  in  the  election  of  Louis  Napoleon 
to  the  presidency,  to  the  great  principle  of  self-govern- 
ment. The  Journal  des  Dc'bats  said  on  March  nth,  1848, 
almost  the  day  after  the  February  revolution  :  "  The  dis- 
cussions of  the  constitutional  monarchy  have  perished  with 
that  monarchy.  Political  questions  no  longer  exist ;  social 
questions  supersede  all  others.  *  *  *  The  question  is 
whether  the  industrial,  commercial  and  scientific  fabric, 
which  has  existed  in  France  for  the  last  thirty  years,  will 
weather  the  storm   through  which   it   is    now  passing." 


^x.  51-52.]  Republic  of   1848.  I53 

The  moderate  liberal  party,  which  the  Journal  des  Debats 
represented,  had  not  suddenly  deserted  its  former  prin- 
ciples:  social  questions  and  political  questions  are  really 
inseparable,  and  while  it  still  preferred  a  constitutional 
monarchy,  it  wisely  supported  the  Republic,  the  govern- 
ment de  facto  and  the  only  rampart  against  Caesarism 
resolved,  it  is  true,  to  get  possession  of  it,  to  keep  it  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  extreme  republicans  who  were  in 
the  minority  in  the  country,  and  to  monarchize  it,  so  to 
speak,  as  much  as  possible,  by  giving  it  the  character 
known  at  a  later  period  under  the  name  of  "  Conservative 
Republic."  Thiers  found  himself  in  a  strong  and  impor- 
tant party  in  the  Legislative  Assembly,  and,  backed  by  his 
friends  Odilon  Barrot,  Dufaure,  de  Tocqueville  *  and  Leon 
Faucher,  f  who  had  become  minister,  he  strove  not  to 
help  on  the  Empire,  but,  on  the  contrary,  to  retard  it ; 
to  protect  the  liberties  threatened  by  an  hypocritical  and 
unscrupulous  ambition. 

To  secure  this  end  two  things  had  to  be  done  :  i.  To 
rally  round  the  Constitution  as  large  a  conservative  party 
as  possible,  by  drawing  off  from  Napoleon  those  who  fol- 
lowed him  because  of  fear  of  republicanism,— the  timid 
conservatives  before  whose  eyes  the  "red  spectre"  was  ever 
rising;  2.  To  consolidate  the  republicans,  by  pledging  the 
party  to  respect  the  Constitution  and  defend  it  from  any  at- 

*  Alexis  de  Tocqueville,  (1805-1859),  the  celebrated  author  of  Democracy 
in  America. 

♦Faucher,  ([803-1854),  economist,  journalist  and  liberal  statesmen; 
deputy  in  1846;  deputy  and  minister  under  the  republic  of  1848  ;  and 
retired  from  public  life  on  the  advent  of  the  Empire. 


i54  Life  of  Thiers. 


[1849-51 


tempt  at  a  monarchical  or  Napoleonic  r^w/  d'etat.  These 
were  the  two  things  that  Thiers  did  or  tried  to  do,  and 
herein  lies  the  explanation  of  his  conduct  up  to  the  day 
when  the  destinies  of  France  were  abandoned  to  force. 

Current  events  are  never  thoroughly  understood  ;  hence 
arises  the  difficulty  of  writing  contemporary  history. 
This  policy — which  we  have  just  pointed  out — Thiers 
publicly  advocated  in  the  Chamber  and  in  the  press, 
and  yet,  of  all  the  acts  of  his  long  and  intricate  political 
life,  perhaps  none  has  been  so  misunderstood  and  so  dis- 
torted. Many  errors  persistently  survive  even  at  this 
late  day.  Thiers  is  accused  of  not  having  preserved  an 
equal  balance  between  the  two  forces  with  which  he 
wished  to  fight  the  common  foe.  On  the  one  hand, 
according  to  the  republicans,  he  sacrificed  too  much 
to  the  Order  party,  in  voting  for  the  expedition  to 
Rome,*  in  speaking  in  favor  of  the  law  of  March  15th, 
1850,  which,  while  rendering  primary  education  unsec- 
tarian,  left  the  country  districts  to  the  mercy  of  the 
Jesuits,  and  in  voting  for  the  law  of  May  31st,  1850,  which 
mutilated  universal  suffrage ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  did 
not  give  hearty  enough  support  to  the  friends  of  the 
Republic,  and  on  some  occasions  even  caused  them  in- 
quietude. For  our  part,  we  think  the  republicans  mis- 
taken, and  we  say  so  the  more  willingly,  since  we  were 

*  The  spirit  of  the  revolution  of  1848  spread  into  Italy,  and  at  Rome  a  re- 
public was  set  up  by  Mazzini  and  Garibaldi.  The  Pope  called  upon  France 
for  aid,  and  Louis  Napoleon,  who  had  been  recently  elected  president,  sent 
an  expedition  to  Rome,  in  April,  1849,  which  drove  out  the  republicans  and 
reinstated  the  Pope. 


.^T.  52-54-]  Republic  of  i^/if^.  1 55 

then  of  their  opinion.     Thiers  could  not  have  done  less 
for  the  conservative  party  without  dividing  it,  without 
throwing  the  largest  portion  of  it  into  the  arms  of  the 
simulating  savior  who  opened   them    to   receive  it;    he 
could  not  have  done  more  for  the  republicans  than  he 
did,  by  his   reiterated  declaration  of  support  of  the  Re- 
public, and  of  co-operation  in  defense  of  the  threatened 
constitution.     And  Thiers's  co-operation  was  substantial, 
for   all   that    he   did    for   the  conservative  party   smote 
Napoleon:   the  law  of  May  31st,  1850,  just  referred  to, 
lost  Csesarism  more  votes  than  liberty.     This  is  an  im- 
portant point  in  Thiers's  political  life,  and  the  following 
extract  from  one  of  his  speeches,  shows  the   sincerity  of 
his  sentiments  at  this  period  concerning  Caesarism  and 
the   Republic. 

It  was  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  185 1.  The  war 
that  Louis  Napoleon  was  making  upon  the  constitution, 
which  he  had  sworn  to  support,  was  becoming  every  day 
more  alarming.  General  Changarnier,*  who  stood  guard 
as  it  were  to  protect  the  National  Assembly,  had  just 
been  dismissed.  A  debate  immediately  began  on  this 
bold  and  significant  act.  Thiers  was  among  the  first  to  de- 
nounce the  conspiracy.  On  January  17th,  185 1,  in  a  reply 
to  those  who  would  appeal  to  the  prerogatives  of  the 
executive  power,  and  who  maliciously  foreboded  a  con- 

*Changarnier.  (1793-T877,)  served  with  distinction  in  Algeria  during  the 
July  Monarchy  ;  was  a  deputy  and  commander  of  the  Paris  national  guard 
during  the  Republic  of  1848  ;  exiled  after  the  coup  d'c'tat ;  fought  on  the  side 
of  France,  in  the  Franco-German  war;  and  was  a  conservative  life-senator 
under  the  present  republic. 


1 56  Life  of  Thiers. 


[1851. 


flict  between  the  President  and  the  Assembly,  he  said  in 
closing  his  speech : 

"Gentlemen,  there  are  times  when  we  should  feel 
uneasy  about  the  Executive.  We  are  beginning  to  arrive 
at  a  period  when  we  should  demand  new  assurances 
concerning  the  power,  the  pledges  and  the  intentions  of 
the  Executive.  By  this  means  the  Executive  would  be 
led  to  make  some  useful  reflections,  which  1  do  not  think 
would  humble  him  before  the  nation.  But  if  the  As- 
sembly give  way,  permit  me  to  point  out  the  following 
result :  When  two  powers,  brought  face  to  face,  have 
encroached  one  upon  the  other,  if  the  one  that  has  in- 
fringed be  obliged  to  draw  back,  an  unpleasantness 
results,  it  is  true,  in  the  very  nature  of  things  ;  but  if  the 
one  that  has  been  encroached  upon  gives  way,  its  feeble- 
ness is  so  evident  that  it  is  lost.  There  are  but  two 
powers  to-day  in  the  State  :  the  executive  power  and  the 
legislative  power.  If  the  Assembly  yield,  there  will 
remain  but  one,  and  when  this  is  accomplished,  the 
form  of  government  is  changed.  The  Empire  will  soon 
follow,  but  when,  is  immaterial  to  me.  What  you  say 
you  do  not  wish,  you  will  have  this  very  day,  if  the 
Assembly  yield,  for  there  will  be  but  one  power.  The 
order  will  be  given  at  a  fitting  time  :  the  Empire  is  made  !  " 

Thiers,  on  descending  from  the  tribune,  was  received 
with  tremendous  applause,  and  with  the  hearty  congratu- 
lations of  a  large  number  of  his  colleagues,  and  the  sitting 
came  to  an  end  amidst  the  greatest  excitement. 


^T.  54-]  Republic  of  1848.  1 57 

The  veil  was  torn  away,  and  the  approaching  coup 
d'etat  revealed.  The  Empire  was  established.  Thiers  no 
longer  doubted  it,  for  he  knew  the  forces  that  were 
working  for  it :  a  secret  ambition,  prejudices  and  the 
Napoleonic  idolatry,  which  he  had  unthinkingly  done  so 
much  to  perpetuate.  This  latter  fact  only  spurred  him 
on  to  greater  resistance.  From  this  moment  he  is  found 
marching  with  the  Left,  supporting  every  proposition 
protective  of  the  Assembly.  Some  advanced  republi- 
cans, led  by  a  continued  distrust  of  Thiers  and  over-con- 
fidence in  the  people — "  the  unseen  sentinel,"  as  Michel 
de  Bourgcs  once  said — separated  from  their  friends.  A 
still  larger  body,  made  up  of  moderate  men  from  the 
Right,  had  also  seceded.  But  Thiers,  nevertheless,  stood 
firm,  neglecting  nothing  by  which  he  might  hope  to 
check  the  coming  inglorious  Brumaire.  When  on  July 
19th,  185 1,  M.  de  Mole  and  M.  de  Broglie,  out  of  dislike 
for  the  Republic,  supported  a  project  that  had  for  its 
object  a  revision  of  the  constitution,  so  that  the  Presi- 
dent might  be  re-eligible,  he  voted  against  the  measure, 
and  advocated  with  all  his  strength  the  Baze  resolution,* 
whose  aim  was  to  protect  the  Assembly  from  any  illegal 
act  on  the  part  of  the  Executive.  The  Assembly,  unfor- 
tunately, was  mad  and  ungovernable.  The  reactionary 
party  was  divided  between  fear  of  the  Empire  and  the 

*  M.  Baze  proposed  that  the  Chamber  assign  "  to  the  Questors  the  power 
of  summoning  directly  the  armed  force  to  protect  the  National  Assembly." 
A  questor  in  a  French  Assembly  is  a  deputy  who  performs  the  duties  of  a 
treasurer.  M.  Baze,  who  resembles  Thiers  a  little,  holds  a  similar  position 
in  the  present  French  Senate,  of  which  he  is  a  member. 


l58  Life  of  Thiers.  *  fiSsi. 

Republic  ;  the  clerical  party  leaned  towards  Napoleon, 
who  seemed  to  promise  them  a  flattering  future;  and  the 
republicans,  one-half  defying  the  future  master,  and  the 
other  half  confiding  in  the  strong  attachment  of  the 
Parisians  for  the  Republic,  were  heedless  or  divided. 
The  danger  which  Thiers  had  hoped  to  avert  could  no 
longer  be  warded  off:  about  two  weeks  after  the  presen- 
tation of  the  Baze  proposition,  the  coi/p  d'etat  was  accom- 
plished. Thiers  was  arrested  together  with  the  elite  of 
the  Orleanist,  legitimist  and  republican  deputies. 

If  M.  Granier  de  Cassagnac  *  can  be  believed,  the  very 
thought  of  arresting  Thiers  filled  the  conspirators  with 
joy.  After  handing  over  to  an  emissary  a  bundle  of 
papers,  on  which  was  written  the  word  Rubicon,  and 
which  contained  all  the  decrees  that  were  to  be  posted 
up  the  next  day  throughout  Paris,  Louis  Napoleon  and 
Mocquard,f  his  secretary,  began  to  laugh  "  at  the  figure 
that  the  two  littlest  men  in  the  Legislative  Assembly 
—  Thiers  and  Baze  —  would  make,  when  they  would 
find  themselves  prisoners  in  their  night  gowns."  How- 
ever this  may  be,  the  following  is  the  way  the  order  was 
carried  out  in  so  far  as  concerns  Thiers : — 

On  the  night  of  December 2nd,i 851,  Thiers's  residence 

*  Adolphe  Granier  de  Cassagnac,  born  in  1808,  and  father  of  Paul  Granier 
de  Cassagnac,  the  notorious  political  duelist,  is  like  his  son  a  strong  Impe- 
rialist, and  has  held  an  important  place  in  French  journalism  and  politics 
since  1S32,  when  he  became  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Jottnial  des  D3als. 
Both  father  and  son  are  now  (1878)  members  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

f  Mocquard,  (1791-1S64,)  confidant  and  friend  of  Napoleon  III,  became 
attached  to  the  Prince  and  his  cause  in  the  early  days  of  the  July  Monarchy, 
and  was  made  a  senator  in  1863. 


I 


,^T.  54.]  Republic  of   1 848.  1 59 

in  the  Place  Saint-Georges  was  buried  in  sleep.  A 
commissary  of  police  got  in  without  any  noise  with 
several  of  his  men.  He  had  gone  through  the  mu- 
seum, the  library,  and  then  into  the  bedroom,  when 
Thiers  awoke.  The  ofificers  pulled  back  the  curtains 
of  the  bed,  when  Thiers,  rubbing  his  eyes,  exclaimed  : 
"  What  is  wanted  of  me  ? "  "  We  have  come,"  was 
the  reply,  "  to  search  your  house."  "  You,  therefore, 
ignore  the  fact  that  I  am  a  deputy  ?  "  "  No,"  was  the 
response  ;  "  but  my  orders  must  be  executed."  "  It  is  a 
coup  d'etat  then?"  "I  cannot  answer  your  questions; 
get  up,  if  you  please,  and  follow  me." 

One  of  the  apologists  for  the  coup  d'  dtaty  M.  Belouino,''^ 
has  written  these  words :  "  The  commissary  paid  no 
attention  to  the  attitude  of  the  ex-minister,  and  did  not 
listen  to  the  pleasantries  that  he  took  the  liberty  to  in- 
dulge in." 

Thiers  had  the  right  and  he  used  it,  of  treating  with 
disdain  and  of  piercing  with  his  irony  the  clumsy  imita- 
tors of  the  great  crimes  of  that  history  which  he  knew 
too  well,  not  to  be  struck  with  the  grotesqueness  of  the 
contrast  between  this  of  to-day,  and  those  of  the  past. 
In  the  cab  that  bore  him  to  the  prison  of  Mazas,f  he  saw 
fit  to  continue  his  indignant  protestations,  "as  if,"  says 
M.  Granier  de  Cassagnac,  "  he  would  by  all  sorts  of  com- 

♦M.Bclouino,  awriter,  who  published  in  iSsaabook  entitled  :  The  History 
of  a  Coup  d'c'tat,  from  which  the  citation  in  the  text  is  made. 

f  This  prison  is  on  the  Boulevard  Mazns,  very  near  the  Lyons  depot,  at 
Paris. 


I  Go  Life  of  Thiers.  [1851-52. 

minatory  arguments  turn  the  officers  from  their  duty." 
It  was  not  in  Thiers's  nature  to  be  impassible  and  to  con- 
ceal his  feelings.  He  knew  how  to  be  resigned,  not  how 
to  bow  the  head  in  humility. 

His  conduct  in  the  prison  was  what  it  should  have 
been.  He  felt  in  a  moment  that  the  blow  that  had  struck 
him  would  wound  France  still  more  than  him.  He  was 
not  transferred  to  Ham,  as  were  the  greater  part  of  his 
colleagues.  Louis  Napoleon,  perhaps,  remembered  that 
he  had  made  Thiers  President  of  the  Council  in  his 
'' Provisional  Government,"  at  Boulogne  in  1840.*  He 
was  permitted  to  gain  the  frontier.  Mignet  came  to  the 
prison  and  escorted  his  old  friend  to  the  Strasburg  depot 
at  Paris.  From  Strasburg  Thiers  went  to  Frankfort  by 
the  way  of  Kehl. 

His  exile  did  not  last  long  :  a  decree  of  August,  1852, 
permitted  a  certain  number  of  the  proscribed  to  return 
to  France.  Thiers  was  included  among  the  favored  ones 
without  having  requested  it.  On  arriving  at  Paris,  he 
resumed  his  historical  studies.  He  had  profited  by  his 
exile  to  visit  Belgium,  England,  Switzerland  and  Italy, 
and  to  make  new  researches  in  the  interest  of  his  great 
work,  the  Consulate  and  Empire, 

*  See  page  99. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
THIERS   AND   THE   EMPIRE. —  1852-187O. 

The  coup  d'etat  of  December  2nd,  1851,  and  the  new- 
constitution  of  Januar}^  14th,  1852,  paved  the  way  for  the 
second  Empire,  which  was  proclaimed  on  December  2nd.. 
1852,  without  a  convulsion. 

Thiers,  though  permitted  to  return  to  France,  as  we 
have  just  seen,  retired  from  public  life,  determined 
to  occupy  himself  with  literature  so  long  as  the  Empire 
pursued  the  dictatorial  regime  instituted  by  the  new 
constitution ;  for,  under  such  a  government,  nothing 
was  to  be  done  for  the  principle  of  order,  which  w^as  now 
being  carried  to  excess,  and  nothing  could  be  done  for 
the  principle  of  liberty,  which  was  banished  from  the 
political  arena :  nothing  to  do  for  the  two  principles 
which  were  the  two  poles  of  Thiers's  policy.  But  the  de- 
crees of  November  24th,  i860,  and  February  and  Decem- 
ber 1 861,  having  loosened  a  little  the  grip  of  the  consti- 
tution and  given  some  liberty  to  the  tribune,  Thiers  felt 
that  he  ought  to  accept  the  Empire  as  de  facto  and  enter 
the  political  lists  once  more.  A  step  in  advance  had  been 
made  towards  parliamentary  government ;  public  opinion 
began    to    awaken ;  and    a    polic}-,  patiently    and    wisely 


1 62  Life  of  Thiers.  [1863. 

pursued,  might  bring  about  new  concessions.  Thiers, 
therefore,  decided  to  revive  again  the  war  against  all- 
powerful  Caesarism,  and  to  renew  the  struggle  that  he  had 
before  maintained  to  prevent  it  imposing  itself  upon 
France.  He  had  just  written  in  his  history  that  "  the 
country  should  never  be  surrendered  to  one  man,  no  mat- 
ter who  the  man  is,  no  matter  what  the  circumstances 
are."  *  Would  he  not  have  been  v/anting  to  himself,  if 
he  had  kept  silent,  instead  of  repeating  in  a  louder  voice 
and  in  such  a  way  that  it  would  have  been  better  under- 
stood, this  grand  truth  so  often  forgotten  in  France? 

There  was  a  stir  at  the  Tuileries  when  it  was  known 
that  Thiers  intended  to  return  to  public  life,  and  that  he 
was  to  offei  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the  Corps  Legislatif 
in  the  second  arrondissement  f  of  Paris  :  the  general  elec- 
tions of  1863  were  at  hand.  Louis  Napoleon  received 
the  news  calmly.  But  M.  de  Morny  %  frowned.  The  Em- 
press was  angry,  and  M.  de  Persigny.§  the  spokesrna:n^-af 

*  History  of  the  Consulate  and  Empire,  Vol.  X,  p.  796. 

■j-  Fiance  is  divided  into  departments,  the  departments  into  arrondisse- 
ments,  the  arrondissements  into  cantons,  and  the  cantons  into  communes. 
In  a  political  sense,  an  arrondissement  resembles  our  congressional  district. 

J  The  Duke  de  Morny,  (1811-1865),  generally  believed  to  be  a  son  of 
Queen  Hortense,  mother  of  Napoleon  111,  began  life  as  a  soldier  ;  then 
turned  business  man  ;  entered  politics  in  1842  as  a  conservative  deputy  ;  was 
a  monarchial  deputy  under  the  Republic  of  1848  ;  one  of  the  leaders  in  the 
coup  d'etat ;  for  short  time  minister  ;  and  deputy  and  President  of  the 
Corps  Legislatif  under  the  Empire. 

§  The  Duke  de  Persigny,  (1808-1872),  became  a  staunch  Bonapartist  soon 
after  the  July  Revolution  ;  participated  in  the  Strasburg  affair  and  also  that 
of  Boulogne  ;  a  Bonapartist  deputy  under  the  government  of  1848  ;  one  of 
the  principle  actors  in  the  coup  d'etat ;  a  minister  and  senator  under  the 
Empire  ;  and  one  of  the  Emperor's  confidants.  His  letters  on  public  affairs, 
published  from  time  to  time,  were  supposed  to  be  inspired  by  Napoleon 
himself. 


yCT.  66.]  Thiers  and  the  Empire.  163 

the  Tuileries,  attacked  the  redoubtable  candidate  in  an  im- 
pertinent letter,  filled  with  thread-bare  criticisms,  whose 
import  can  be  judged  from  this  sentence  :  "  In  the  face  of 
this  France.which  has  attained  its  present  glorious  and  pros- 
perous condition  since  M.  Thiers  and  his  followers  retired 
from  power,  universal  suffrage  will  not  support  against  the 
Government,  which  snatched  the  country  from  the  abyss, 
those  who  allowed  it  to  fall  in."  M.  de  Persigny  deceived 
himself  in  believing  that  the  electors  would  take  his  ac- 
cusations for  serious.  It  is  doubtful  if  it  was  the  same 
with  M,  de  Morny  and  Napoleon  III,  who,  in  spite  of 
the  delusive  atmosphere  in  which  he  moved,  began  to  see 
that  Paris  was  falling  away  from  him  on  all  sides.  But, 
however  this  may  be,  Thiers  was  elected  deputy. 

Thiers  had  already  marked  out  the  course  he  should 
pursue :  he  would  second  the  awakening  of  political  life 
of  the  country,  profit  by  the  liberal  concessions  made  by 
the  Government  to  force  others  from  it,  and  bring  it  back 
if  possible  to  the  T^gime  which  it  had  supplanted  ;  he 
would  endeavor  to  throw  light  upon  the  condition  of  the 
finances,  around  which  an  administration,  not  over-scrupu- 
lous and  without  any  real  restraint,  had  cast  a  thick  veil ; 
and,  lastly,  he  would  watch  closely  the  foreign  relations, 
which,  since  the  Italian  expedition,  filled  him  with  dis- 
quietude. His  convictions,  his  past^  his  patriotism  could 
not  dictate  to  him  another  course. 

The  whole  of  Thiers's  home  policy  is  found  summed 
up  in  his  great  and  memorable  speech  on  the  "  Necessary 


164  Life  of    Thiers.  [1864.  j 

Liberties,"  which  he  delivered  a  few  days  after  his  entry 
into  the  Corps  Legislatif,  on  January  i  ith,  1864,  and  in  an- 
other speech,  on  the  same  subject,  dehvered  on  March 
28th,  1865.  These  two  speeches  are  monuments  of  poHtical 
science  and  eloquence,  and  are  applicable  to  all  countries. 
The  exordium  of  the  first  speech  reads  like  a  page  of 
autobiography. 

"  I  know  that  great  assemblies  have  other  things  to  do 
than  to  occupy  themselves  about  individuals.  But  when 
I  ask  permission  to  speak  to  you  for  an  instant  concern- 
ing myself,  an  instant  only,  it  is  a  duty  that  I  think  I  owe 
my  constituents  who  have  asked  of  me  no  pledges,  and 
all  my  colleagues  whose  confidence  I  desire  to  possess. 

"  It  is  now  thirty-four  years,  gentlemen,  since  I  entered 
for  the  first  time  within  this  precinct.  I  was  a  member 
of  the  first  Chamber  of  the  July  Monarchy,  and  of  all  the 
Chambers  that  succeeded  each  other  from  1830  to  1848; 
then,  under  the  Republic,  I  sat  on  the  benches  of  the  Con- 
stituent and  Legislative  Assemblies  ;  and  now,  here  am  I 
among  you  in  the  Corps  Legislatif  of  the  Empire. 

"  Throughout  this  long  period  of  time,  I  have  seen  pass 
away,  men,  institutions,  opinions  and  even  the  affections, 
and,  in  the  midst  of  the  torrent  which  seemed  as  if  it  would 
sweep  away  everything  before  it,  principles  have  alone 
stood  firm — the  social  and  political  principles  on  which 
modern  society  rests.  Even  these  were  at  times  in  im- 
minent danger:  we  have  seen  moments  when  society  was  ' 
in  such  disorder,  that  it  was  a  question  whether  it  would 


^T.  67.]  Thiers  and  the  Empire.  i65 

ever  be  restored.  Later  it  was  the  idea  of  liberty  which 
seemed  effaced  from  the  human  mind.  Yet  order  is  re- 
established and  liberty  is  about  to  reappear.  These 
grand  principles  are  like  those  orbs  which  give  us  light : 
they  are  some  times  enveloped  with  clouds,  only  to  burst 

forth  again  more  brilliant  than  ever. 

•jfr  *  *  *  *  * 

"  There  are  three  principles  which  I  think  every  worthy 
man  should  observe  :  the  principle  of  national  sovereignty, 
the  principle  of  order  and  the  principle  of  liberty. 

"  I  was  born  and  I  have  lived  in  that  school  of  '89, 
which  believes  that  France  has  the  right  to  dispose  of  its 
destinies,  and  to  choose  the  government  which  it  likes. 
I  think  that  it  ought  to  make  use  of  this  sovereignty  but 
rarely,  I  even  think  that  it  would  have  been  better  if 
France  had  never  had  recourse  to  this  power,  if  that  were 
possible  ;  but,  when  it  has  spoken,  its  word  should  be 
law.  It  seems  to  me  wanting  in  justice  and  good  sense 
to  strive  to  substitute  individual  views  for  the  clearly 
expressed  will  of  the  nation. 

"  But,  when  we  have  submitted  to  the  legal  government 
of  our  country,  we  have  always  the  right  to  demand  two 
things  of  it :  order  and  liberty.  *  *  *  On  this  ground, 
even  in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  confusion,  I  have  always 
taken  my  stand.  When  in  1848  the  Republic  was  pro- 
claimed in  France,  I  submitted,  although  it  was  not  the 
government  of  my  past  efforts,  and  I  joined  with  the 
courageous   men  who,  even  here,  defended  order  in  an 


1 66  Life  of  Thiers.  [1864. 

Assembly  which,  though  large  and  passionate,  was  honest 
and  brave,  and  knew  how  to  listen  to  truths  which  were 
displeasing. 

"  Order,  gentlemen,  was  preserved,  and  France  soon 
returned  to  monarchical  principles.  I  again  submitted, 
out  of  respect  for  the  national  will,  but  I  forthwith  re- 
tired from  public  life,  for  a  very  simple  reason,  because 
there  was  nothing  to  do  for  the  principle  of  order  which 
was  preserved,  and  nothing  to  do  for  the  principle  of 
liberty  which  was  deferred. 

"  In  my  retirement,  permit  me  to  say,  everybody  knows 
what  I  did :  I  wrote  with  sincerity  the  history  of  my 
country.  I  would  have  contentedly  passed  the  rest  of 
my  life  there,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  decrees  of  No- 
vember 24th,  i860,  and  of  February  and  December,  1861. 
You  know  what  changes  these  decrees  made  in  our  insti- 
tutions. You  could  formerly  come  together  only  in 
silence  in  order  to  receive  the  bills  laid  before  you  by  the 
Councillors  of  State,  which  you  might  discuss  with  them, 
but  almost  without  any  power  to  amend.  Then  came  the 
budget,  which  was  voted  department  by  department,  in 
the  lump,  and  as  regards  supplementary  credits,  you  could 
only  find  out  about  them  through  the  auditors,  that  is  to 
say,  when  it  was  too  late  to  exercise  a  useful  control. 

"  The  Emperor  has  changed  all  this ;  he  has  restored 
political  life  by  allowing  you  to  discuss  the  Address.  He 
has  done  more ;  he  has  brought  you  face  to  face  with  his 
Government,  by  introducing  here  the  Ministers  without 


jet.  67.]  Thiers  ajtd  the  Empire.  1 67 

portfolios,*  and  even  a  Minister  with  a  portfolio,  the 
Minister  of  State;  he  has  made  your  sittings  public; 
given  you  the  right  to  vote  the  budget  not  department 
by  department,  but  by  sections  ;  and,  as  regards  the 
supplementary  credits,  if  he  has  not  suppressed  them,  as 
was  at  first  expected,  he  has  diminished  the  time  between 
the  epoch  of  their  discussion  and  the  epoch  of  their  em- 
ployment, and  has  thus  given  you  an  incontestable  in- 
fluence over  these  credits. 

"  Gentlemen,  you  will  never  find  me  either  detracting 
or  flattering.  I  do  not  say  that  these  decrees  contain  all 
the  liberties  that  we  desire,  but  they  do  contain  a  consid- 
erable part  of  them,  and  they  are  the  pledge  of  the  rest. 
As  for  myself,  I  thank  the  Emperor  for  them.  Ingrati- 
tude is  a  bad  feeling  and  a  bad  return. 

"  When  these  decrees  were  promulgated,  I  said  to  all 
those  who  held  the  same  convictions  as  myself,  that  I 
thought,  as  they  could  now  discuss  here  freely  the  coun- 
try's affairs,  and  as  they  could  now  co-operate  for  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  public  liberties,  abstention  on  their 
part,  would  be  no  longer  wise,  worthy  or  patriotic.  I  ad- 
vised them  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Emperor, 
and  to  participate  in  the  elections  either  as  electors  or 
candidates. 

"  I  will  admit  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  after  having  given 

*  Under  the  second  Empire,  there  was  a  body  of  ardent  friends  of  the 
Government,  who,  though  neither  heads  of  the  different  departments  nor 
deputies,  had  the  right  to  speak  in  the  Chamber.  They  were  called  "  Min- 
isters without  portfolios." 


1 68  Life  of  Thiers.  [1864-69. 

this  advice,  I  would  have  hked  to  be  excused  from  follow- 
ing it ;  for  having  found  in  my  retirement,  study,  exemp- 
tion from  party  troubles,  and  fair  play,  it  was  hard  to 
return  into  the  midst  of  the  storms  of  public  life.  But 
the  inconsistency  would  have  been  too  great,  to  give  ad- 
vice and  then  not  follow  it  myself. 

"  Furthermore,  this  last  consideration  influenced  me 
decisively :  in  coming  among  you,  no  one  could  accuse 
me  of  ambition.  At  my  age,  after  the  posts  that  I  have 
held  in  the  State,  I  could  only  have  one  desire  now :  that 
of  offering  you  the  modest  tribute  of  an  experience  dearly 
acquired,  of  discussing  with  you  State  affairs,  with  the 
country's  interest  at  heart,  not  as  a  partisan,  but  filled  with 
the  hope  of  being  able  sometimes  to  offer  you  at  least  a 
trifling  aid  in  your  deliberations,  and  of  not  letting  the 
last  years  of  my  life  be  entirely  useless  to  my  country." 

This  preamble  of  such  simple  grandeur,  the  personal 
part  of  which  is  excused  by  the  speaker's  position,  was 
followed  by  a  complete  and  luminous  exposition  of  the 
principles  which  are  the  essence  of  every  free  govern- 
ment, whether  it  bear  the  name  of  Republic  or  Monarchy, 
and  without  which  governments,  whatever  may  be  their 
pretentions,  are  but  dictatorships  and  despotisms. 

Napoleon  had  promised  to  give  the  country  very  nearly 
the  same  form  of  government  that  Thiers  had  rapidly 
sketched  in  his  speech ;  but  he  was  slow  in  fulfilling 
his  promises,  to  carry  out — to  use  an  expression  which  has 
become  famous — "  the   crowning  of   the    edifice."      His 


/Ex.  67-72.]  Thiers  and  the  Empire.  169 

promises  were  really  only  lures.  He  feared  liberty ;  it 
was  to  him  a  Banquo's  ghost.  Many  of  his  friends  urged 
him  not  only  to  stop  short  in  the  new  path  upon  which 
he  had  entered,  but  to  retrace  the  steps  he  had  already 
taken  in  the  way  of  reform.  His  newspapers,  and  his 
most  devoted  orators  heaped  up  sophism  upon  sophism 
in  the  hopes  of  bringing  him  back  to  his  first  and  natural 
policy.  Thiers  was  determined  not  to  let  his  uncertain 
adversary  escape  him.  In  his  speech  of  March  28th,  1865, 
he  refuted  all  the  objections  that  had  been  brought  up 
against  liberalizing  the  Empire,  and  showed  that  new 
France,  the  France  of  the  Revolution,  was  not  destitute 
of  the  conditions  necessary  for  the  enjoyment  of  true 
liberty.  On  April  2nd,  1869,  during  the  debate  on  the 
budget,  having  presented  the  exact  state  of  the  political 
institutions  at  that  moment,  in  order  to  see  what  progress 
had  been  made  since  1863,  at  which  date  the  Empire 
began  to  introduce  liberal  reforms,  and  when  Thiers  re- 
entered the  chamber, — and  having  explained  what  further 
progress  was  possible,  he  summed  up  his  theory  of  the 
"  necessary  liberties  "  in  this  wise  : 

"  In  order  that  a  nation  be  free,  the  citizen  must  enjoy 
absolute  personal  security,  no  matter  what  may  be  his 
opinions  :  this  is  individual  liberty.  He  must  receive  in- 
struction from  an  untrammeled  press  not  only  concerning 
theories  and  doctrines,  but  also  concerning  all  questions 
that  interest  the  country:  this  is  a  free  press.  He  must 
be  independent  in  the  choice  of  his  representatives,  not 


1.70  Life  of  Thiers.  [1863-69. 

exposed  to  menaces  and  bribes  :  this  is  a  free  ballot.  The 
representatives  must  know  all  the  affairs  of  the  country, 
and  the  will  of  the  majority  must  be  obeyed :  this  is 
legislative  freedom.  In  fine,  the  national  representatives 
must  co-operate  with  a  government  that  is  ready  to  carry 
out  the  expressed  wishes  of  the  nation." 

This  speech  made  a  great  impression,  especially  the  per- 
oration, in  which  the  orator  revindicated  the  right  of  the 
country  to  declare  war  or  peace.  But  this  was  not  due 
simply  to  the  expression  of  this  opinion,  which  was  but  a 
corollary  of  the  theory  of  the  "  necessary  liberties,"  but 
because  it  was  a  warning,  a  symptom  of  the  situation  and 
the  hidden  designs  of  the  Government.  "  That  tremen- 
dous act,"  said  Thiers,  referring  to  the  right  to  declare 
war,  "  to  whom  belongs  its  initiative?  To  France  alone. 
She  should  not  be  exposed  to  the  danger  of  seeing,  on 
awaking  some  morning,  her  children  ordered  to  the  fron- 
tier!" 

A  despotism  is  by  its  nature  not  economical  of  the 
pubHc  funds.  Montesquieu's  comparison  of  a  despotism 
to  the  "  savage  who  cuts  down  the  tree  to  have  its 
fruits,"  is  always  more  or  less  true.  In  civilized  societies 
corruption  is  palliated,  and  hidden,  but  it  always  exists  in 
a  greater  or  less  degree,  according  to  the  age,  the  country 
and  the  people. 

The  Empire  had  almost  doubled  the  budget  of  the 
July  Monarchy  and  the  February  Republic.  The  field 
of  the  unproductive  expenses  was  greatly  enlarged.     The 


^T.  66-72.]  Thiers  and  the  Empire.  1 7 1 

Government  endeavored  to  hide  this  from  the  public  by 
illusive  complications  and  subterfuges. 

Thiers — who  understood  thoroughly  the  secrets  of  the 
science  of  finance,  and  who  knew  all  the  artifices  em- 
ployed since  1852  to  deceive  the  country — had  entered  the 
Chamberwith  the  firm  resolve  to  give  to  the  examination 
of  the  budget  the  most  scrupulous  attention.  His  first 
speech,  (December  24th,  1863,)  was  on  the  finances.  He 
took  up  the  floating  debt  and  pointed  out  its  enormous 
proportions,  the  obscurity  which  surrounded  it,  and  dwelt 
upon  the  evil  effects  of  this  on  trade,  and  upon  the  good 
name  of  the  country.  On  another  occasion,  he  attacked 
the  financial  follies  of  the  city  of  Paris,  where  the  tax- 
payers did  not  know  what  was  done  with  their  money, 
and  which  state  of  things  occasioned  all  sorts  of  suspicions 
of  malversation  and  peculation. 

The  Empire — forced  at  any  price  to  keep  the  public 
mind  engaged,  by  continually  offering  it  some  new  subject 
for  discussion — bethought  itself  of  the  free  trade  question. 
M.Rouher* — Minister  of  State  during  the  latter  half  of  the 
Empire — was  easily  persuaded  into  accepting  the  theories 
and  arguments  of  Bright  and  Cobden. 

Free  trade  has  incontestable  advantages  in  great  pro- 
ductive countries  not  dependent  on  foreign  nations  for 

*  Rouher  (1814 )  advocate;  conservative  deputy  and  minister  of  Justice 

under  the  February  Republic  ;  senator  and  minister  under  the  Empire  ;  and 
Bonapariist  deputy  since  1876.  He  negotiated  free  trade  treaties  with 
England  in  i860,  with  Belgium  in  1861,  and  with  Italy  in  18O3.  His  duty 
as  Minister  of  State,  was  to  support  the  policy  of  the  Government  in  the 
Corps  Legislatif. 


172  Life  of  Thiers.  [1870. 

those  things  which  are  essential  to  national  defense,  as 
iron,  for  example,  England  is  such  a  country.  Was 
France  in  a  state  to  accept  the  new  theories  born  of  Eng- 
land ?  This  is  a  difificult  question  to  answer,  since  certain 
parts  of  France  favor  free  trade,  while  others  are  opposed 
to  it. 

However  this.may  be,  Thiers  took  up  the  side  of  protec- 
tion and  advocated  it  in  the  tribune,  with  the  abundance 
and  variety  of  argument  of  a  man  profoundly  versed  in 
the  subject.  The  discussion  which  ensued  resulted,  how- 
ever, only  in  the  appointment  of  a  parliamentary  com- 
mittee to  enquire  into  the  commercial  condition  of 
France.  Thiers,  though  offered  a  position  on  the  com- 
mittee, declined  the  honor. 

The  year  1870  had  arrived  :  the  foreign  relations  of  the 
Empire  were  becoming  complicated,  and  were  daily  grow- 
ing more  and  more  disquieting  to  the  patriot.  The  Em- 
pire, on  account  of  its  home  policy,  on  account  of  its 
origin,  which  was  not  forgotten,  and  on  account  of  the 
opposition  encountered  in  all  the  great  cities  of  France, 
which  all  its  democratic  pretensions  did  not  disarm,  was 
compelled  to  seek  abroad  an  outlet  for  the  country's  rest- 
lessness, and  was  forced  to  agitate  the  world.  The_prime 
cause  of  the  Crimean  war  *  was  to  divert  the  public 
mind  and  to  please  the  army.  The  Italian  warf  had  been 
undertaken  through  fear  of  the  dagger.  %  The  Mexican 
*  1854-56.  _       t  1859- 

\  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1858,  Napoleon  III  received  every  morn- 
ingaletter  from  Italy  or  Paris,  which  reminded  him  of  his  former  promises  to 


.tpt.  73]  Thiers  Mid  the  Empire.  173 

^var-j- — suggested  by  the  little  circle  that  surrounded 
the  Emperor,  and  having  in  view  very  ignoble  aims — was 
magnified  little  by  little  into  a  grandiose  conception, 
which  Napoleon  loved  to  dilate  upon,  without  perhaps 
believing  in  it  himself,  and  which  he  was  accustomed  to 
pronounce  the  grand  idea  of  the  reign.  But,  whatever 
were  the  real  or  pretended  objects  of  these  enterprises, 
they  produced  only  keen  anxiety  in  the  minds  of  all  sen- 
sible men  who  knew  the  then  state  of  Europe. 

Thiers's  mistrust  of  Napoleon  III  wasjoflong  standing. 
Though  captivated  for  a  moment  by  the  Crimean  war— in 
which,  however,  he  clearly  distinguished  the  dynastic  in- 
terests— he  had  no  faith  in  the  narrow  and  chimerical 
spirit  of  the  chief.  The  Italian  and  Mexican  wars  more 
alarmed  than  astonished  him.  From  the  moment  of  his 
re-entering  Parliament,  his  greatest  care  was  to  watch 
and  combat  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Empire.  It  was  at 
that  moment  a  thankless  and  painful   task  for  a  patriot 

free  Italy  from  the  Austrian  yoke,  and  which  threatened  him  with  death  if  he 
forgot  them.  One  day,  when  Cardinal  Gousset,  Archbishop  of  Reims,  came 
to  beseech  him  not  to  begin  the  war  which  he  had  threatened — a  war  that 
would  result  in  the  destruction  of  the  temporal  power  of  the  Papacy — Napo- 
leon's sole  response,  was  going  to  a  drawer  in  his  secretary  and  taking  there- 
from a  bundle  of  papers  which  he  laid  before  the  Cardinal.  They  were  the 
letters  of  the  friends  of  Orsini,  the  Italian  revolutionist,  who  attempted  to 
assassinate  Napoleon  in  January,  1858.  We  have  this  from  a  former  secre- 
tary of  M.  de  Falloux,  the  distinguished  ultramontane  political  and  literary 
leader. 

\  It  is  very  probable  that  Guizot  had  something  to  do  with  this  expedition. 
Napoleon  III  often  consulted  him.  This  reminds  us  of  a  witty  and  rather 
prophetic  remark  of  M.  Paul  Hethmont,  the  deputy.  Jules  Simon  said  to 
him  one  day  before  us,  as  we  were  passing  the  Tuileries,  (we  believe  it  was 
in  1868)  that  Guizot  sometimes  advised  the  Emperor.  "  My  heavens,"  said 
M.  Hethmont,  "if  he  wants  to  know  how  to  fall,  he  can't  find  a  better 
master."  This  war  lasted  from  1862  to  1863,  but  the  French  troops  were 
not  entirely  withdrawn  till  1867. 


174  Life  of  Thiers.  [1859-64. 

and  statesman  Tike  Thiers :  he  could  point  out  the  evil, 
but  he  could  not  apply  the  remedy.  Napoleon  III  had 
not  the  breadth  of  mind  to  comprehend  the  extravagance 
of  the  system  which  he  had  built  up,  nor  enough  modesty 
to  take  advice  from  a  superior  and  more  experienced 
mind.  The  great  legislative  bodies  of  the  State — the 
Senate  and  the  Corps  L6gislatif — moulded  after  the 
master,  thought  as  he  did  even  when  they  condemned  his 
thought.  Every  road  towards  reform  was,  therefore, 
closed.  This,  however,  made  Thiers  only  the  more  de- 
termined in  his  attack.  The  Italian  and  Mexican  wars 
were  accomplished  facts  when  he  re-entered  Parliament 
in  1863,  but  their  consequences  remained,  pregnant  of 
issues  still  more  dangerous.  He  stubbornly  main- 
tained that  the  first  resulted  from  previous  mistakes, 
and  declared  that  the  latter  would  be  fatal  if  the  system 
were  not  changed. 

In  1864,  the  folly  of  the  Mexican  policy  of  the  Empire — 
though  it  had  not  yet  produced  all  its  fruits — was  too 
evident  to  require  long  or  frequent  speeches  to  convince 
the  public  of  it.  The  impossibility  of  success  on  one 
hand,  and  the  danger  of  a  rupture  with  the  United  States 
on  the  other,  struck  everybody.  Thiers  did  not  dwell 
upon  this  view  of  the  question,  in  the  debates  concerning 
the  Mexican  expedition,  that  took  place  in  the  Chamber, 
but  he  repeatedly  called  attention  to  the  effect  that  such 
a  distant  and  expensive  undertaking  would  have  on  the 
financial  and  military  strength   of  France,  in  need  of  all 


^T.  62-67.]  Thiers  and  the  Empire,  176 

its  force  to  meet  the  enemies  which  the  adventurous 
policy  of  the  Empire  had  made  in  Europe,  and  to  defend 
itself  against  the  results  of  the  Italian  war,  which,  though 
finished  five  years  before,  still  hung  suspended  over  the 
continent  like  a  cloud  charged  with  electricity,  ready  to 
flash  forth  at  any  moment. 

A  lady,  who  knew  Napoleon  III  very  intimately,  being 
asked  one  day  in  London  by  Louis  Blanc,  what  she 
thought  of  her  former  friend,  replied:  "He  always  had 
on  me  the  effect  of  a  woman,"  meaning  by  this,  that  he 
had  only  the  appearance  of  vigor,  and  that  his  mind  was 
as  wavering  and  variable  as  it  was  chimerical.  This  opin- 
ion— whose  justice  Louis  Blanc  does  not  question — is  at 
least  confirmed  by  the  whole  sequel  of  the  Italian  war. 
Everything  is  indecisive  and  incoherent.  It  is  given  out, 
that  war  is  to  be  carried  into  Italy  for  the  sake  of  an  idea, 
and  this  idea  is  scarcely  born,  before  it  is  deprived  of  life. 
"  Italy  must  be  free  from  the  Alps  to  the  Adriatic,"  said 
Napoleon  in  one  of  his  proclamations,  and  the  army  stops 
short  before  the  Quadrilateral,*  as  if  the  existence  of  such 
a  barrier  were  unknown,  as  if  it  had  suddenly  sprung  up 
from  the  soil.  After  the  victory  of  Solferino,  June  24th, 
1859,  ^^  began  to  be  seen  that  Prussia  made  a  part  of 
Europe,  and,  in  order  to  steer  clear  of  this  danger,  a 
hasty  treaty  is  made  with  Austria,  at  Villafranca,  on  July 

*  A  Quadrilateral,  in  military  language,  denotes  a  combination  of  four 
fortresses,  not  of  necessity  connected,  but  mutually  supporting  each  other. 
The  Austrian  Quadrilateral  referred  to,  comprised  the  four  strong  forts  of 
Mantua.  Verona,  I'eschiera,  and  Legnago,  in  Northern  Italy. 


1/6  Life   of  Thiers. 


[1865. 


nth,  1859.  Italy  does  not  realize  her  hopes  and  champs 
her  bit.  The  Papacy — seeing  its  temporal  power  threat- 
ened— complains  loudly.  In  order  to  get  out  of  the  diffi- 
culty, the  Italian  Confederation  is  formed,  the  Presidency 
of  which  is  given  to  the  Pope,  who  looks  with  disdain 
upon  an  artificial  conception  hastily  improvised.  Italy 
is  thrown  into  commotion,  and  Sicily  and  the  Kingdom 
of  Naples  fall  before  Garibaldi.  Piedmont  joins  the 
patriotic  movement  which  is  irresistible.  The  Papacy  is 
about  to  be  swept  away  by  the  torrent.  Intervention 
saves  it,  and  the  short-sighted  convention  of  September 
15th,  1864*  is  entered  into,  which  was  of  necessity  one 
day  to  bring  Piedmont  to  Rome,  and  to  add  the  ruins  of 
St.  Peter  to  that  of  so  many  other  Italian  thrones.  Never 
did  a  government  try  harder  to  do  something  grand  and 
so  utterly  fail  in  the  attempt. 

It  was  at  the  session  of  1865,  of  the  Corps  Legislatif, 
on  the  occasion  of  a  debate  concerning  the  convention 
of  September  15th,  that  Thiers  was  led  to  speak  of  the 
Italian  question.  He  had  no  difficulty  in  showing  that 
the  conciliation  aimed  at  by  the  convention  was  impossi- 
ble, that  neither  of  the  interests  concerned  would  capitu- 
late, neither  the  Italian  nor  the  Catholic,  that  one  of  the 
two  would  be  necessarily  sacrificed,  and  that  all  the  chances 

*  "  Let  me  sum  up  this  convention  in  two  words  :  we  are  to  evacuate  Rome 
in  18  months  from  to-day,  two  years  from  last  September.  On  the  other 
side,  the  Italians  will  change  their  capital  and  carefully  respect  the  Papal 
territory.  Such  is  the  material  form  of  the  engagements  entered  into." — 
Speech  of  Thiers  on  April  15th,  1865.  Napoleon  and  Victor  Emanuel 
were  the  parties  to  this  convention. 


.liT.  68.]  Thiers  a7id the  Empire.  lyj 

were  against  the  Catholic  interest.  And  he  added  with  a 
prescience  that  later  events  justified,  that  not  only  the 
Papacy  would  not  be  saved,  as  was  apparently  desired,  but 
that  Italy,  by  opposing  its  dearest  wish,  would  be  alienat- 
ed from  France,  and  that  this  wish  would  be  realized 
in  spite  of  France,  perhaps  even  against  France  ;  that 
Italian  unity,  not  abetted  by  France,  would  be  accom- 
plished by  the  aid  of  Prussia.  The  inconsistency  and 
hypocrisy  of  the  French  policy  in  Italy  was  rendered 
transparent  by  Thiers's  speech.  The  course  of  events 
was  to  show  its  blindness. 

Mistakes  are  born  of  mistakes  by  a  sort  of  fatal  descent, 
and,  as  it  is  in  the  nature  of  things  that  some  one  turn 
up  just  in  the  nick  of  time  to  reap  advantage  from  the 
mistakes  of  others,  Bismarck  appeared,  who,  taking  in  at 
the  first  glance  the  insufficiency  of  Napoleon,  the  inco- 
herency  of  his  mind  and  designs,  put  himself  in  the  way 
to  turn  this  to  his  benefit.  In  a  letter  written  after  his 
second  visit  to  Napoleon  III,  Bismarck,  in  order  to  ex- 
press his  idea  of  the  Emperor,  cited  the  following  well- 
known  verse  of  La  Fontaine : 

De  loin,  cest  qiielqne  chose ;  ct  de  prcs,  ce  nest  rien.* 

Napoleon,  in  the  midst  of  his  dreams,  always  had  his 
eye  fixed  on  the  Rhine.  He  imagined  that  by  bustling 
about  and  keeping  Europe  in  a  state  of  agitation,  he  could 
in  the  end  secure  to   France,  forcibly  or  peacefully,  her 

*  Afar,  il  is  something,  but  near  by,  nothing.     Fables,  Hook  IV,  Fable  X. 


1 78  Life  of  Thiers.  [1863-66. 

old  frontier.  After  the  Italian  campaign,  towards  1862, 
he  began  to  hope  that  he  might  bring  this  about  pacifically, 
simply  through  the  magic  influence  of  his  "  principle  of 
nationalities."  One  day,  while  on  a  visit  to  a  former 
colonel  of  engineers,  mayor  of  a  city  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  camp  at  Chalons,  where  the  Emperor  frequently 
went,  the  old  soldier  expressing  a  regret  that  France 
did  not  have  its  frontiers  on  the  Rhine,  the  Emperor 
remarked:  "Don't  despair  of  the  Rhine,  colonel;  what 
would  you  say  if  we  should  get  it  back  without  firing 
a  gun?" 

On  that  day  the  secret  thoughts  of  the  "  Taciturn,"  so 
well  characterized  by  Lord  Cowley,  at  one  time  English 
Minister  to  France,  when  he  said  that  "  he  always  lies 
though  he  never  speaks," — on  that  occasion,  Napoleon  di- 
vulged his  real  intentions.  The  Rhenish  frontier  was 
the  temptation  that  lured  him  on,  the  deceitful  mirage 
with  which  Bismarck  charmed  him.  It  is  the  secret  of  his 
whole  policy  from  1863  to  1866.  It  explains  the  aban- 
donment of  Denmark  to  be  preyed  upon  by  Prussia  in 
1864,*  by  which  act  England  and  all  the  small  states 
were  alienated  from  France.  It  was  the  source  of 
the  odd  conception  of  an  European  Congress,  t  for  the  re- 
modeling  of  the    map   of   Europe,  where   the    Emperor 

*  Denmark  was  forced  by  Prussia  and  Austria  to  cede  its  southern  prov- 
ince of  Schleswig-Holstein  in  1864,  Austria  occupying  Holstein  and  Prassia 
Schleswig,  but  after  the  war  with  Austria,  in  r866.  Prussia  became  the  pos- 
sessor of  both. 

\  On  November  4th,  1863,  Napoleon  III,  without  any  forewarning,  sud- 
denly addressed  autographic  circulars  to  the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  inviting 
them  to  meet  in  Paris  for  a  general  consideration  of  European  affairs.  But 
the  project  fell  through. 


yET.  66-69.]  Thiers  and  the  Empire.  1 79 

should  play  the  part  of  arbiter  and  doubtless  also  that  of 
"  pedagogue,"  to  use  the  expression  of  Bismarck.* 

It  is  the  reason  of  his  denunciation  of  the  treaty  of  181 5 
in  a  speech  delivered  at  Auxerre,  in  which  were  expressed 
sentiments  that  he  dared  not  utter  officially.  It  was  the 
main  spring  of  his  ambition  to  arrange  Europe  according 
to  the  laws  of  a  new  sort  of  transcendental  aesthetics,  which 
was  to  give  to  Prussia,  "  badly  bounded,"  as  was  said,  a 
form  more  in  conformity  to  its  mission.  In  a  word,  it 
was  the  cause  of  all  those  fancies  of  a  poorly  balanced 
head,  of  all  those  phantoms  of  a  mind  intoxicated  by  its 
dreams,  so  brutally  dissipated  by  the  cannon  of  Sadowa.f 

Thiers's  fears  concerning  the  result  of  this  policy  in- 
creased daily.  In  1866,  a  few  days  before  the  defeat 
of  Austria,  he  mounted  the  tribune  and  tried  to  make 
the  Chamber  feel  the  gravity  of  the  German  conflict,  and 
the  importance  of  the  intervention  of  France,  which, 
by  a  simple  demonstration,  could  arrest  all.  He  called 
attention  to  the  danger  to  France  of  Italian  unity  and 
German  unity,  the  hypocritical  complicity  of  France,  and 
the  old  equilibrium  of  Europe  destroyed  by  the  probable 
victory  of  Prussia. 

Prussia  was  victorious  as  Thiers  had  predicted,  and  the 
North  German  Confederation,  the  first  step  towards  the 
German  Empire,  was  founded.     Bismarck  did  not  show 

*  Bismarck  said  in  a  speech  delivered  on  February  igth  1869  :  "  I  do  not 
think  that  we  are  bound  to  follow  in  the  steps  of  Napoleon  and  affect  the 
role  of  arbiter  or  that  oi pcdaa^ogtie  of  Europe." 

\  The  battle  of  Sadowa  occurred  on  July  3d,  1866. 


i8o  Life  of  Thiers.  [1859-67. 

himself  in  the  least  disposed  to  pay  his  confederate, 
become  his  dupe,  the  price  which,  if  not  promised,  he 
had  at  least  allowed  him  to  expect. 

Every,  thing  was  not  lost,  however.  A  wise,  pacific, 
but  firm  policy  could  still,  with  the  resources  remaining  to 
France,  and  backed  by  the  apprehensions  of  Europe,  have 
kept  the  evil  from  spreading,  if  it  could  not  have  repaired 
what  was  already  lost.  But  a  new  madness  had  replaced 
the  old.  Having  allowed  himself  to  be  duped  when  he 
was  strong,  the  Emperor  was-  possessed  with  the  idea  to 
have  revenge,  now  that  he  was  feeble.  Weakened  by 
the  consequences  of  the  Mexican  expedition  and  de- 
based before  European  public  opinion.  Napoleon  III  was 
eager  to  punish  Prussia. 

At  the  session  of  1867,  Thiers  made  a  new  effort  to 
bring  France  back  to  the  old  policy,  and  developed  with 
his  customary  warmth  and  clearness,  the  reasons  which 
called  for  this  change,  if  new  disasters  were  not  be  added 
to  those  which  an  opposite  policy  had  brought  down  up- 
on the  country.  Thiers  was  only  the  interpreter  of  pub- 
lic opinion  in  demanding  this  change.  All  far-seeing  men 
thought  with  him.  The  press,  the  salons,  the  workshops 
held  the  same  sentiments  concerning  the  perils  that  the 
foreign  policy  of  the  Government  was  in  danger  of  en- 
countering. 

As  proof  of  this,  if  we  turn  to  the  private  correspond- 
ence of  a  man  of  the  world  of  the  period,  we  will  find 
him  saying  in  his  letters,  just  what  Thiers  spoke  in  a  loud 


yET.  62-70]  Thiers  and  the  Empire.  1 8 r 

voice  from  the  tribune  of  the  Corps  L^gislatif.  M.  Dou- 
dan,  whom  M.  Fleury  called  "  a  free-thinker  in  high 
society,"*  and  whom  we  have  already  referred  to,  as  the 
friend  and  former  preceptor  of  the  Duke  de  Broglie,t 
had — if  we  except  a  few  moments  of  optimism  before  the 
cotip  (Tdtat  —  like  Thiers,  an  early  presentiment  of  the 
baneful  destiny  of  Louis  Napoleon,  and  of  the  disasters 
that  he  was  likely  to  inflict  upon  his  country.  All  of  his 
correspondence  is  full  of  traits  showing  the  keen  observer 
and  witty  writer.  But  it  is  above  all,  in  1859,  ^^^1  con- 
cerning the  foreign  policy  of  the  Empire,  that  his  judg- 
ments are  valuable  to  those  who  are  curious  to  know  the 
effect  produced  on  the  enlightened  minds  of  the  period, 
by  the  series  of  theatrical  performances  which  made  up 
the  history  of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Empire. 

He  wrote  in  February  1859,  ^  ^^w  weeks  after  the  Em- 
peror's words  addressed  on  New-year's-day  to  Baron 
Hiibner,  the  Austrian  ambassador,  which  showed  that  he 
meant  to  begin  the  threatened  Italian  war:  "  Nothing  is 
more  like  a  lottery,  than  the  decision  of  one  single  man, 
left,  without  counsel  and  without  control,  to  the  most 
complicated  and  contradictory  influences.  Perhaps  he 
sees  every  thing  in  equilibrium,  but  a  breath,  a  sensible 
or  a  foolish  word,  changes  all.  This  is  an  important  side 
of  the  philosophy  of  history.'  He  then  points  out  the 
folly  of  the  Emperor's  course :  "  If  he  had  resolved 
upon  war,  the  simplest  prudence  would  have  suggested 

*  In  the  Revue  des  Deux  Alondes.  -j-  See  page  84. 


1 82  Life  of  Thiers.  [1862-69. 

to  him  that  he  let  everybody  sleep  in  ignorance  of  it, 
in  order  that  he  might  not  be  disturbed  in  his  prepara- 
tions, that  public  opinion  might  not  be  excited,  or  the 
foreign  press  aroused,  and  that  the  defensive  opera- 
tions of  the  enemy  might  be  retarded,"  As  early  as  1 862, 
M.  Doudan  considered  the  fall  of  the  Empire  probable. 
Three  years  later — foreseeing  the  fatal  consequences  of 
the  Mexican  war — he  longed  for  a  Cato  who  might  cry 
daily  at  the  Government :  "  Shun  Mexico  !"  The  day 
after  Sadowa,  he  predicted  the  inevitable  encounter  of 
France  and  Prussia  in  the  near  future,  and  called  the 
German  Empire  by  its  true  name:  "  The  Prussian  Em- 
pire." "  Teach  your  little  boy  the  use  of  the  breech- 
loading  needle-gun,"  he  wrote  to  a  friend.  On  July  3d, 
1866,  the  date  of  Sadowa,  he  wrote :  "Sooner  or  later, 
lots  of  breech-loaders  will  be  necessary  to  repair  the  evil 
that  has  been  allowed  to  happen  this  day.  Can  you 
understand  the  mania  that  has  taken  possession  of  every 
body,  of  setting  up  against  himself  neighbors  more  pow- 
erful than  he  is?"  On  April  12th,  1867,  referring  to  the 
speech  of  Thiers  of  which  we  have  just  spoken,  M.  Dou- 
dan wrote  :  "  You  must  have  read  very  inattentively  the 
battle  between  M.  Rouher  and  M.  Thiers,  to  hesitate 
which  side  to  take  between  these  two  combatants.  I 
only  wish  that  M.  Thiers  were  a  thousand  times  wrong 
in  his  exposition  of  our  foreign  affairs ;  we  don't  know 
where  we  are  in  this  matter.  Since  Prussia,  encouraged 
by  us,  has  extended  her  frontiers,  and  become  the  most 


.-Ex.  65-72.]  Thiei's  a7id  the  Empire.  183 

powerful  empire  of  the  continent,  we  are  not  at  all  at 
ease  when  war  with  her  is  spoken  of."  And  lastly,  in 
\%6^,  a-propos  of  the  taking  of  pictures  from  the  Louvre 
to  decorate  the  houses  of  the  dignitaries  of  the  Empire, 
he  remarked  :  "  These  gentlemen  remind  you  of  Thermo- 
pylae, for  they  say :  *  Passers-by,  go  tell  to  whomsoever 
you  will,  that  we  are  here  to  violate  the  laws,  to  mock  at 
morality,  and  to  laugh  at  the  battle  of  Sadowa,  and  at 
those  who  are  depressed  by  the  inordinate  greatness  of 
Prussia.  After  us  the  deluge :  we  will  have  had  a  gay 
time.'  " 

To  cite  one  more  example  of  prognostication  of  the 
approaching  ruin,  we  quote  these  prophetic  words  of 
Prevost-Paradol  *  written  in  1868:  "  France  will  have  to 
expiate,  in  one  way  or  another,  with  the  blood  of  her 
children,  if  she  succeed,  with  the  loss  of  her  grandeur, 
perhaps  of  her  very  existence,  if  she  fail,  the  series  of 
faults  committed  in  her  name  by  the  Government,  since 
the  day  when  Denmark  was  dismembered  before  her  eyes, 
and  a  policy  of  general  disorder  was  adopted  in  the  hope 
of  profiting  by  it.'' 

France  was  far  from  a  Thermopylae,  but  the  deluge  was 
approaching.  Many  persons  hoped  for  a  moment,  after 
the  general  elections  of  1869,  that  the  change  of  public 
opinion,  which  had  considerably  strengthened  the  repub- 

*  Prevost-Paradol  (1829-1870),  professor,  journalist  and  author,  was 
throughout  his  life  the  champion  of  constitutional  monarchy,  and  conse- 
quently, a  liitter  opponent  of  the  Empire.  He  was  French  minister  to  this 
country,  wlien,  upon  hearing  of  the  declaration  of  war  between  France  and 
Prussia,  he  shot  himself. 


84  Life  of  Thiers. 


[1869-70. 


lican  and  liberal  Opposition,  would  impose  upon  the  Gov- 
ernment a  more  national  policy  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
The  ministry  formed  on  January  2nd,  1869,  with  M. 
Ollivier  *  at  its  head,  was  expected  to  inaugurate  a  new  era. 
Thiers  hoped  so  for  a  moment,  for  he  had  friends  in  the 
new  ministry.  "  My  ideas  find  representation  there," 
he  said  one  day  in  the  Corps  Legislatif,  pointing  to  the 
ministerial  benches.  But  W\&  plebiscitum\  oi  May  sud- 
denly appeared  and  re-awakened  all  his  former  apprehen- 
sions. War  appeared  to  him  almost  inevitable.  The 
Opposition,  which  partook  of  his  fears,  but  which  wished 
to  show  to  Europe  that  France  did  not  want  war,  and 
which  hoped,  at  the  same  time,  to  exercise  some  influence 
on  the  mind  of  the  Emperor,  proposed  a  reduction  of  the 
army  of  10,000  on  the  quota  of  1871.  The  Government, 
in  order  to  hide  its  intentions,  assented  to  this  measure. 
Thiers,  better  informed,  broke  this  time  with  the  Oppo- 
sition, persuaded  that  it  was  of  prime  importance  to  be 
in  a  condition  to  make  war.  His  motto  was:  Si  vis 
pacein, para  bellum.\  He  believed  that  too  much  attention 
could  not  be  given  to  this  subject.     He  was  thoroughly 

*  Ollivier  (1S25 ),  advocate,  deputy,  and  minister,  was  at  first  a  strong 

opponent  of  the  Empire,  and  when  he  became  Napoleon's  Prime  Minister, 
and  presided  over  the  cabinet  that  declared  war  ajrainst  Prussia,  he  was 
looked  upon  as  a  political  renegade.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
French  Academy  in  1870,  and  has  since  disappeared  from  public  view. 

f  K  plebiscituin  {French,  J>/3iscite),  was  a  Napoleonic  dodge,  resorted  to 
by  both  the  first  and  the  second  Emperor,  to  legitimize,  by  a  specious  re- 
course to  universal  suffrage,  illegal  acts  or  pretended  reforms.  The  vote  of 
May  8th,  1870,  stood  thus:  for  the  plebiscitum,  7,336,434,  against  it,  only 
1,560,709. 

X  If  you  want  peace,  prepare  for  war. 


^^^2-73.]  Thiers  a7id  the  Empire.  i85 

acquainted  with  the  state  of  Europe  ;  he  saw  the  increased 
power  of  Prussia,  which,  since  Sadowa,  instead  of  nineteen 
millions  of  souls  as  formerly,  now  had  forty  millions. 
"  In  consideration  of  this  new  force,"  he  said,  "  we  need 
a  new  and  stronger  military  organization.  *  *  *  We 
should  not  be  deceived.  I  abjure  each  one  of  you  to 
think  on  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  and  I  supplicate 
you  to  do  your  duty  as  patriots  and  worthy  French- 
men." And  he  uttered  in  a  reply  to  Jules  Favre,*  who 
supported  the  reduction,  these  prophetic  words :  "  Why 
did  Sadowa  take  the  world  by  surprise  ?  Because  Vienna 
was  not  prepared  and  Berlin  was.  Thus  perish  Empires !" 
Thus,  indeed,  was  to  perish  the  Empire  of  Napoleon  III. 
The  candidacy  of  a  prince  of  the  Prussian  royal  family 
to  the  Spanish  throne,  put  forward  by  Bismarck  with  the 
consent  doubtless  of  General  Prim,  the  temporary  ruler 
of  Spain,  who,  if  certain  reports  are  to  be  believed,  was 
bought  over  by  German  thalers,  was  the  prime  cause  of 
the  dreadful  conflict.  On  July  5th,  1870,  M.  Cochery,t 
deputy  from  the  Loiret,  called  upon  the  Government  for 
an  explanation  of  this  candidacy,  which  was  only  con- 
tingent, and,  the  next  day,  the  Duke  de  Gramont,  minister 

*  Jules  Favre  (1809 ),  famous  advocate  and  liberal  statesmen  ;  deputy 

and  minister  under  the  P'ebruary  Republic  ;  opposed  Napoleon  from  the  days 
of  the  coup  d'tUat  to  his  fall  ;  ably  defended  Orsini,  the  would-be  assassin 
of  the  Emperor,  in  1858  ;  deputy  under  the  Empire  ;  elected  to  the  French 
Academy  in  1868  ;  one  of  the  prime  movers  in  the  establishment  of  the 
present  republic,  and  to-day  (1878)  a  senator. 

f  Cochery  (1820 ),  Opposition  deputy  under  the  Empire,  moderate  re- 
publican since  1871,  and  ardent  supporter  of  Thiers  during  the  latter's 
presidency. 


1 86  Life  of  Thiers.  [is^o. 

of  foreign  affairs,  declared  that  France  would  not  suffer 
a  foreign  power,  by  placing  one  of  its  princes  on  the 
throne  of  Charles  V,  to  endanger  the  equilibrium  of  Eu- 
rope and  imperil  the  interests  and  honor  of  France. 

Such  a  statement  was  equivalent  to  a  declaration  of 
war.  There  was,  however,  an  interval  of  hope  for  the 
friends  of  peace.  Prince  Leopold  of  Hohenzollern 
withdrew  his  candidacy.  The  war  party  wanted  more. 
On  July  I2th,  the  Emperor  left  St.  Cloud  for  the 
Tuileries  to  preside  at  the  Council,  and  it  was  then  de- 
cided, that  they  should  demand  of  the  King  of  Prussia  a 
promise,  that  would  interdict  for  all  time  the  throne  of 
Spain  to  any  member  whatsoever  of  his  family.  This 
was  carrying  things  to  extremes,  and  the  King  of  Prussia 
could  not  do  otherwise  than  repel  this  haughty  demand. 

A  most  terrible  war  was  about  to  be  begun  over  a 
question  of  etiquette,  a  point  of  honor,  a  shade  of  mean- 
ing. When  Emile  Ollivier  came  before  the  Corps  Legis- 
latif  for  the  last  time  with  the  question  and  asked  for  a 
vote  of  confidence,  Thiers  tried  to  show  the  futility  of 
the  reasons  alleged  by  the  Government  to  justify  a  move 
so  full  of  peril,  and  which  set  at  naught  the  opinion  of 
Europe.  We  were  present  at  that  memorable  sitting  of 
the  Corps  Legislatif,  at  that  struggle  of  enlightened 
patriotism  against  the  delirium  of  a  blind  majority.  We 
can  never  forget  the  scene,  one  of  the  most  dramatic  in 
the  parliamentary  history  of  France,  a  day  whose  con- 
sequences mark  a  date  in  the  history  of  Europe. 


^T.  73.] 


Thiers  and  the  Empire.  187 


The  President,  M  Schneider,  at  the  moment  Thiers 
rose  to  speak,  saw  fit  to  remark  that  the  solemnity  of  the 
question  in  debate  called  for  unanimity  of  sentiment  and 
a  forgetfulness  of  all  petty  differences.  Thiers  repelled 
this  insinuation  in  this  wise  :  "  When  war  is  declared,  no 
one  will  be  more  eager  than  I,  to  render  the  efforts  of  the 
Government  victorious.  My  patriotism  is  equal  to  any- 
body's here.  *  *  *  But  the  question  before  us  is  a 
declaration  of  war."  The  orator  then  went  bravely  on — 
interrupted  every  moment  by  questions,  by  cries  of  op- 
position or  cheers  of  approbation — attacking  the  proposed 
declaration.  "  Every  one  here,"  he  exclaimed,  "  has  only 
to  take  upon  himself  the  responsibility  that  belongs  to 
him.  As  for  me,  I  am  concerned  about  my  memory,  and 
I  decline  all  responsibility  in  this  affair."  Further  on  he 
remarked  :  "  I  regard  this  war  as  very  imprudent."  A 
Bonapartist  interrupted  him  and  said  :  "  You  are  the 
trumpet  of  the  disasters  of  France.  Go  to  Coblentz  !  "  * 
Thiers  coolly  replied  :  "  I  repeat,  in  spite  of  your  cries, 
that  you  have  choosen  poorly  the  occasion  for  obtaining 
the  satisfaction  that  I  desire  as  well  as  you."  M.  Jerome 
David,t  of  the  Right,  who  favored  the  war,  accused  him 
of  using  language  that  was  harmful  to  the  country. 
Thiers,  who  had  left  the  tribune,  remounted  and  an- 
swered with  redoubled  energy  :  "  It  is   not   I  who   have 

*  During  the  French  Revolution,  the  nobility  who  fled  from  France,  (the 
/iiiiqn's),  made  their  head-quarters  at  this  city. 

f  Haroii  David  (1823 ),the  ultra-Bonapartist.wasa  memberof  the  Corps 

Legislatif  throughout  the  Empire,  and  has  been  a  deputy  under  the  present 
republic  since  1876. 


i88  Life  of  Thiers.  [1870. 

hurt  France.  I  have  never  harmed  her;  it  is  those  who 
would  not  Hsten  to  my  warnings,  when  I  spoke  here  of 
Sadowa  and  Mexico,  who  have  wounded  her.  *  *  * 
You  wish  to  check  Prussia ;  so  do  I.  Taunt  me  with  be- 
ing a  friend  of  Prussia  ;  the  country  will  judge  between 
you  and  me.  But  I  leave  the  tribune  worn  out  by  your  un- 
willingness to  listen  to  me." 

This  debate  was  Thiers's  Waterloo :  his  oratory  was 
never  grander  nor  ever  less  effective.  The  last  folly  of 
the  Em.pire  was  neither  arrested  nor  averted.  Destiny 
had  spoken  and  the  penalty  was  pronounced  :  France 
was  to  suffer  a  series  of  unprecedented  disasters  and  the 
Empire  a  profound  and  final  fall. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE   REVOLUTION   OF   SEPTEMBER  4TH. 

There  have  been  many  revolutions  in  France  which  have 
had  a  character  of  legitimacy,  or  which,  at  least,  Kave  laid 
claim  to  a  theory  or  political  doctrine.  The_r£yiilution 
of  1789  was  made  in  the  name  of  two  great  principles,  the 
sovereignty  of  the  people  and  the  sovereignty  of  reason. 
The  revolution  of  1830  was  a  protest  against  the  violation 
of  the  Social  Contract.'^  The  revolution  of  1848  was  a  vin- 
dication of  political  rights  disregarded  or  usurped  by  a 
privileged  class,  or  at  least  by  a  class  which  was  looked 
upon  as  privileged.  These  grand  events  were  not  accom- 
plished, however,  without  coming  into  collision  with  not 
only  private  and  collective  interests,  but  also  with  doc- 
trines and  principles  ready  to  protest  and  even  combat. 
The_reyolution  of  September  4th,  1 871,  is  the  only  one 
of  all  the  political  revolutions,  so  numerous  in  France, 
which  was  accomplished  without  resistance,  simply,  easily, 
naturally,  inevitably.  The  reason  of  this  was  because 
the  Empire  never  had  had  the  veritable  characteristics  of 
a  real  government,  because  when  threatened  it  could  not 

*  Rousseau's  political  work,  the  Social  Contract,  {Contrat  social),  is  the 
catechism  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  is  used  as  synonymous  with  the 
principles  of  the  Revolution. 


190  Life  of  Thiers.  [1870. 

call  to  its  aid  a  principle  that  it  had  not  itself  denied  or 
violated,  because  it  had  against  it  at  this  moment  its 
origin  and  its  conduct.  Usurper  of  the  sovereignty  and 
powerless  to  protect  the  country,  it  had  for  enemies  those 
who  believed  in  liberty  and  those  who  believed  in  inde- 
pendence. When  the  storm  burst,  its  partisans  and 
servitors  were  as  if  paralyzed.  It  appeared  perfectly 
natural  that  the  Empire  should  perish  in  the  tempest  that 
it  had  excited,  but  which  it  could  not  master.  Its  au- 
thority having  emanated  from  force,  from  the  moment 
that  it  had  ceased  to  be  strong,  it  had  no  raison  d'etre. 
This  truth  was  so  evident  to  all,  that  from  the  moment 
of  the  news  of  the  first  disasters  of  the  war  of  i870-'7i, 
the  deputies  of  the  Corps  L^gislatif  were  convinced  that 
it  was  useless  to  try  to  prop  up  the  Empire,  and  their 
only  concern  was  to  smooth  its  fall,  by  giving  to  the  revo- 
lution the  appearance  of  legality.  But  no  one  spoke  of 
the  legitimacy  of  the  existing  Government  or  of  its  right 
to  govern.  If  it  was  allowed  to  stand,  it  was  in  virtue 
of  the  wisdom  of  the  old  saying,  that  one  should  never 
change  horses  while  crossing  the  stream.  Not  only  the 
enemies  of  the  Empire,  but  its  friends  too,  looked  at  the 
situation  in  this  light.  The  deputies  who  were  elected 
as  ofificial  candidates — if  we  except  perhaps  the  "  Mame- 
lukes," *  who  clung  to  the  dynasty  through  personal  or 
interested  motives — held    the  same  views   on   this  point 

*  The  Mamelukes — meaning  in  Arabic,  purchased  slaves — were  formerly 
a  class  of  Egyptian  bondmen.  This  name  was  happily  applied  by  the  anti- 
Bonapartists  to  the  blind  and  servile  friends  of  the  Empire. 


yET.    73.] 


Revolution  of  September  ^th.  1 9 1 


as  Thiers,  Keratry,*  Picardf  and  Cochery.  Theywould 
tolerate  the  Government,  though  they  would  not  sustain 
it.  If  they  could  have  changed  or  transferred  the  supreme 
authority  without  danger  and  without  confusion,  if  they 
had  had  at  hand  a  monarchy  or  a  dynasty  all  ready 
formed,  or  even  a  general  endowed  with  the  necessary 
qualities  or  enjoying  the  prestige  demanded  by  the  occa- 
sion, they  would  not  have  hesitated  an  instant  to  clear 
the  Tuileries.:}: 

Consequently,  as  they  could  do  no  better,  they  took 
upon  themselves  the  direction  of  affairs  and  the  sover- 
eignty. The  whole  aim  of  the  Corps  Legislatif  from 
August  20th  to  September  4th,  1870,  was  to  discover  a 
political,  combination  which  could  preserve,  in  the  midst 
of  the  ruins  of  the  artificial  edifice  which  had  fallen, 
public  order,  and  to  build  up  in  the  Corps  Legislatif  an 
authority  which  should  meet  the  demands  of  the  hour. 
The  revolution  was  so  thoroughly  the  result  of  public 
opinion  and  the  circumstances  of  the  moment,  that  it 
forced  itself  upon  those  who  feared  it  the  most.  The 
usurpation  by  the  people  came  after  that  by  the  Corps 
Legislatif.  It  is  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  September  4th,  that  it  was  made  a  long  time  be- 

*  Count  de  Keratry  (1832 ),  began  life  as  a  soldier, became  an  Opposi- 
tion deputy  in  1869,  but  has  not  participated  in  public  life  since  1S70. 

f  F2rnest  EMcard  (1821-1877),  journalist  and  advocate  ;  Opposition  deputy 
under  the  Empire  ;  member  of  the  Government  of  National  Defense  in 
1870  ;  minister  under  Thiers  ;  and  deputy  and  life-senator  under  the  present 
republic. 

\  Thiers's  testimony  before  the  Committee  of  Inquiry  on  the  Revolution 
of  September  4th,  {Commission  d' Enquete  du  4  Seftanbre.) 


192  Life  of  Thiers.  [870. 

fore  it  broke  out  ;  it  was  the  last  term  of  a  series  of 
usurpations,  the  crowning  of  a  succession  of  illegalities. 
There  are  those  in  France  to-day  who  think  it  to  their 
interest  to  protest  against  this  revolution  ;  but  they  forget 
that  they  did  not  wait  for  the  disaster  at  Sedan  to  change 
the  government.  The  Corps  Legislatif,  the  very  day  of 
its  convocation — not  content  with  casting  aside  the 
miserable  ministry  which  had  so  thoughtlessly  declared 
the  war — arraigned  the  head  of  the  State  himself,  who 
was  not,  however,  responsible  to  it,  and,  going  still 
further,  deprived  him  of  the  command  of  the  army," 
thereby  violating  one  of  the  most  essential  principles  of 
the  Constitution,  and  exposing  itself  to  the  danger  of 
seeing  turned  against  itself,  the  army  whose  chief  it  had 
struck  down. 

The  imperial  Constitution,  tearing  itself  to  pieces  by 
its  own  hands,  and  offering  itself  of  its  own  accord  to  the 
castigation  of  awakened  justice,  presents  a  curious  and 
instructive  lesson  to  the  world.  All  the  parts  of  this 
dictatorial  instrument  made  with  so  much  care,  suddenly 
get  out  of  order  and  clash  one  with  the  other.  The 
moment  the  hour  of  reverse  sounded,  France,  which  had 
sacrificed  so  much  to  secure  a  strong  government,  found 
itself  in  a  day  brought  face  to  face  with  a  government, 
which  not  only  could  no  longer  govern,  but  which  could 
no  longer  stand.  The  executive  power,  which  was  to  be 
every  thing,  was  now  nothing,  and  the   Corps  Legislatif, 

*  Bazaine  was  named  Commander-in-chief  in  the  place  of  Napoleon. 


ALT.  73-] 


Revolution  of  September  4th.  1 9; 


which,  according  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  was  to 
be  nothing,  was  now  everything.  The  Senate,  a  modera- 
tive  and  conservative  body,  the  keystone  and  the  crown 
of  the  edifice,  was  forgotten  in  its  palace  by  the  pubh'c 
in  the  midst  of  its  impotent  majesty.  The  Corps  Leg- 
islatif  alone,  the  elect  of  the  nation,  by  virtue  of  the 
principle  that  animated  it,  which  still  lived  in  spite  of  its 
long  corruption,  the  Corps  Legislatif  alone  survived  the 
universal  shipwreck.  Such  was  the  confusion  of  opin- 
ions and  ideas,  or  rather  such  was  the  power  of  the  elec- 
tive principle,  represented  by  the  Corps  Legislatif,  that 
all  force  irresistibly  gravitated  towards  it,  and  obliged  it 
involuntarily  to  declare  the  revolution  and  found  the 
Republic. 

The  Corps  Legislatif  could  not  have  done  otherwise. 
After  the  first  disaster  of  the  campaign,  it  was  under  the 
influence  of  the  same  fatality  which  swayed  the  popula- 
tion after  the  last  catastrophe  ;  it  obeyed  the  same  senti- 
ment, that  superior  instinct  of  preservation,  which  in 
great  crises  dominates  and  directs  assemblies  in  the  same 
way  that  it  does  individuals  and  peoples.  The  Corps 
Legislatif,  doubtless,  would  have  preferred  to  resist  this 
impulse  and  preserve  its  normal  and  legal  position, and  thus 
remain  a  subordinate  power.  It  tried  to  do  so.  Thus, 
after  the  fall  of  the  OUivier  ministry,  it  suffered  an  act  of 
sovereignty  on  the  part  of  the  Government  which  formed 
a  new  ministry.  And  yet,  at  this  very  msoment,  the  seat  of 
power  was  transferred;  the  minister  was.m,uch.mpre  the  ser- 


194  Life  of  Ihiers.  [1870. 

vitor  of  the  Corps  Legislatif  than  of  the  Emperor.  It  was 
the  Corps  Legislatif  which  took  or  suggested  all  the  meas- 
ures demanded  by  the  situation.  It  was  the  Corps  Legis- 
latif which  imposed  the  immediate  arming  of  the  country,  a 
step  that  the  Government  declined  to  take  on  account  of  a 
selfish  fear  of  the  results,  a  desire  to  preserve  the  Dynasty. 
If  the  Corps  Legislatif  did  not  appoint  the  military  com- 
manders, it  designated  them,  and  its  designation  was  law. 
It  even  happened  on  one  occasion,  that  a  decree  issued  by 
the  Government — that  namin-g  Thiers  a  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Defense — appeared  an  usurpation  to  the 
Corps  Legislatif  which  had  not  countersigned  it,  and,  on 
the  motion  of  a  deputy,  the  Government  came  near  see- 
ing its  decree  destroyed  and  made  over  again  b}'  this  body. 
It  is  not  less  significant  and  shows  the  profoundness  of 
the  revolution  of  September,  that  this  assumption  of  the 
real  sovereignty  by  the  Corps  Legislatif,  redounded  to 
the  advantage  of  those  deputies  who  owed  their  seats  to 
the  liberal  element  of  the  country,  who  were  the  furthest 
separated  from  the  Empire,  and  that  those  who  opposed 
this  assumption— the  official  candidates — were  in  the  end 
the  worst  enemies  of  the  Empire.  The  paralysis  which 
had  seized  the  Government,  had  also  attacked  its  sup- 
porters in  the  Corps  Legislatif.  There  was  no  life,  move- 
ment, initiative,  except  on  the  benches  of  the  Opposition. 
It  was  Thiers,  Jules    Favre,    Gambetta,    Jules    Simon,* 

*  Simon,  (1814  ),  professor,  author,  and  republican  statesman;  Op- 
position deputy  under  the  Empire  ;  member  of  the  Government  of  National 
Defence  in  1S70  ;  minister  under  Thiers's  presidency,  1871-73  ;   I'rime  Min- 


>Et.  73-]  Revolution  of  September /^th.  195 

Ferry,  *  Picard  and  their  friends,  who  ruled  and  directed. 
If  they  did  not  hold  the  helm,  they  commanded  fright- 
ened and  inert  pilots  who  feared  to  direct  the  vessel. 
The  republicans  governed  before  the  revolution. 

The  last  night  of  the  Empire  was,  so  to  speak,  a  wake. 
The  session  of  the  Corps  L^gislatif  from  the  3d  to  the  4th 
of  September,  was  simply  a  consecration  of  a  fact  already 
accomplished.  The  Empire  had  surrendered  before  the 
Emperor  gave  up  his  sword  to  the  King  of  Prussia.  The 
resolutions  that  killed  it — the  marked  features  of  this 
famous  session — were  only  different  formulas  of  an  im- 
posed situation.  This  fact  strikingly  demonstrates  the 
weakness  of  this  Government,  a  few  weeks  before  appar- 
ently so  strong,  and  shows  what  a  slight  hold  it  had  on  pub- 
lic opinion.  Jules  Favre's  resolution  dethroning  Louis 
Napoleon  and  his  dynasty,  though  postponed  until  the 
next  day,  gave  rise  to  no  objection  ;  the  proposition  of 
the  Cabinet — presented  by  General  Palkaof — vague,  timid, 
and  equivocal,  concealed  the  same  thought ;  and  Thiers's 
resolution  which  had  the  same  tendency — since,  though 
calling  upon  the  country  for  an  expression  of  its  wish,  it 
left  the  convocation  of  the  new  Assembly  to  an  undeter- 

ister  in  1877  ;  member  of  the  French  Academy,  and  to-day,  (1878)  life- 
senator. 

*  Ferry,  (1832  ),  advocate,  journalist,  and  republican  politician  ;  Op- 
position deputy  in  1869  ;  member  of  the  Government  of  National  Defence 
in  1870  ;  and  republican  deputy  since  1871. 

f  Count  de  Palikao,  (1796-1878),  after  long  service  in  the  army,  became 
a  general  in  1851  ;  made  senator  and  count  by  Napoleon  III  for  military 
successes  in  China,  in  i860  ;  and  succeeded  Ollivier  as  premier  and  Minister 
of  War,  in  August,  1870. 


196  Life  of  Thiers.  [1870. 

mined  future^ — was  backed  by  forty-seven  deputies,  be- 
longing to  all  the  factions  of  the  Corps  Legislatif  and 
counting  among  its  friends  even  Bonapartists. 

Finally,  when  Gambetta,  rising  after  Thiers,  demanded- 
in  order  to  arrive  at  a  more  rapid  conclusion — that  all  these 
propositions  be  considered  "urgent,"  not  a  voice  was  heard 
to  exclaim  that  the  Corps  Legislatif  was  usurping  power 
and  was  making  a  revolution.  The  Revolution  was  so  in- 
herent in  the  actual  state  of  public  affairs  and  had  so  taken 
possession  of  the  public  mind,  that  when  Thiers's  bill  was 
carried  before  the  different  standing  committees  it  was 
accepted  unanimously.* 

When  the  people  came  upon  the  scene  the  next  day, 
they  only  followed  the  example  set  by  the  deputies.  If 
Paris  was  guilty  of  overturning  the  Empire,  the  Corps  Leg- 
islatif was  equally  guilty,  and,  furthermore,  Paris  did  not 
take  the  first  step  in  this  direction.  The  declarations  of 
dethronement,  though  put  off  and  modified,  were  no  more 
normal  than  the  bursting  of  the  people  into  the  hall  and 
lobbies  of  the  Palais-Bourbon,t  or  the  setting  up  of  a  new 
government  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  :j:     The  appearance  of 

*  Souvenirs  of  September  4th,  by  Jules  Simon. 

•j-  The  palace  of  the  Corps  Legislatif  across  the  river  from  the  Place  de  la 
Concorde  at  Paris. 

X  When  the  news  of  the  disaster  of  Sedan  reached  Paris,  on  September  4th, 
1870,  the  extreme  republicans  deserted  the  Corps  Legislatif,  which  was  dis- 
persed by  the  populace,  and  set  up  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville  a  provisional  Govern- 
ment of  National  Defence,  which  conducted  the  affairs  of  France  until  Febru- 
ary 13th, 1871, when  it  transferred  its  powerto  the  National  Assembly,  elected 
an  February  8th,  1871.  Among  the  members  of  this  government  were 
Gambetta,  Jules  Simon,  Jules  Favre,  Gamier-Pages,  Rochefort,  Ferry,  and 
Cremieux. 


^^r.  73.]  Revolution  of  September  ^th.  1 97 

legality  was,  at  that  moment,  an  act  of  prudence  and 
policy,  but  it  was  nothing  more  than  an  appearance. 
Usurpation  was  abroad  because  peril  was  on  every  hand, 
because  everybody  felt  that  the  Empire — which  had  just 
lost  everything — was  incapable  of  saving  anything.  In  a 
crisis  where  existence  itself  is  in  jeopardy,  every  one  has 
the  right  to  seek  safety  where  he  hopes  to  find  it.  At 
such  a  time,  the  ideal  line  that  separates  right  and  legal- 
ity is  lost  sight  of.  The  ofificial  candidates  of  the  Empire 
had  forgotten  it  ;  how  could  it  have  held  back  an  ardent, 
trembling,  indignant  people  ? 

The   revolution   of  September  4th,  was,  therefore,  ne- 
cessary and  is  justified  by  the  conduct  even  of  those  who 
have  since  denounced  it.     Without  speaking  of  the  force 
of  public  opinion  that  the  Empire  had  raised  up  against 
itself  for  a  long  time  back,  of  the  feebleness  with  which 
it  had  been  afiflicted   from   its  very  origin,  of   the  weight 
of  its  old  faults  and  especially  those  of  the  moment  which 
bore  down  upon  it ;  without  considering  the  general  con- 
viction that  the  Empire  was  too  weak  to  repair  the  evil, 
those  who   made  this  revolution  might   say  with  much 
show  of  reason,  that  the  only  difference  between  them- 
selves and  the  deputies  was,  that  they  were  forced  to  be- 
come revolutionists,  that  they  acted  in  self-defence,  be- 
cause the  deputies — letting  precious  time  slip  by,  when 
there  was  not  a   moment  to   lose — were  indecisive  and 
vacillating,  at  an  hour  when — as  Thiers  said  at  a  later 
day — "  the  cry  of  necessity  was  entreating  them  to  act."* 
*  Thiers's  testimony  before  the  Committee  of  Inquiry. 


198  Life  of  Thiers.  [1870 

The  Empire  fell  under  the  blows  of  this  necessity,  and 
it  was  evident  that  the  Republic  alone  could  replace  it. 
There  was  the  same  unanimity  of  opinion  on  this  point 
as  on  that  of  the  destruction  of  the  Empire.  The  pro- 
clamation of  the  Government  of  National  Defe'nseTrom~" 
the  Hotel  de  Ville,  was  the  natural  consequence  of  all  that 
had  preceded  it,  of  the  compounding  conduct  of  the  Corps 
L6gislatif,  of  the  impatience  of  a  nation  at  bay.  Some 
persons  may  regret  that  it  did  not  spring  from  a  more 
legal  source,  and  that  Thiers's  proposition — which  left  the 
form  of  government  to  the  convocation  of  a  Constituent 
Assembly — was  not  assented  to  ;  but  if  this  bill  had  been 
adopted,  a  provisional  government  would  have  been 
necessary  until  such  an  assembly  could  be  convened,  and 
this  government — as  much  an  usurper  as  that  which  sprang 
from  the  ruins  of  the  Empire — would  have  been  like  it, 
a  government  of  public  safety  and  republican  in  form,  for 
this  very  simple  reason,  that  no  monarchy  was  possible 
and  no  one  of  the  claimants  would  have  been  so  foolish  as 
to  put  forward  his  title  in  the  then  state  of  politics. 

Thiers  did  not,  however,  wish  to  enter  the  new  Govern- 
ment. He  felt  that  it  was  necessary  and  consequently 
legitimate,  but  he  did  not  believe  that  his  place  was  in 
it.  The  course  that  public  opinion  imposed  upon  the 
Government  of  National  Defense  did  not  meet  his  appro- 
bation. He  favored  peace,  but  the  nation  wanted  war. 
He  thought  the  nation  in  the  wrong.  He  believed  that 
the  best  thing  to  do  was  to  treat.     Several  of  the  more 


^T.  73.]  Revolution  of  September  \th.  199 

influential  members  of  the  Government  of  the  Hotel  de 
Ville  entertained  the  same  opinion.  They,  therefore, 
offered  Thiers  the  mission  of  laying  before  the  courts 
of  Europe,  the  real  interests  of  Europe  at  that  moment, 
and  of  instilling  into  victorious  Prussia  the  spirit 
of  moderation.  This  was  the  only  way  of  arriving 
at  a  peace,  for  France,  and  especially  Paris  and  the 
great  cities,  would,  at  this  hour,  listen  to  no  other  terms 
than  those  expressed  by  Jules  Favre  when  he  exclaimed : 
"  Not  an  inch  of  our  territory,  not  a  stone  of  our  fort- 
resses !" 

Jules  Favre  has  related  the  interview  that  he  had  with 
Thiers,  when  he  offered  him  this  important  mission.  It 
was  on  September  9th,  1870.  Favre  went  to  Thiers's 
house  in  the  Place  St.  Georges,  and  "pressed  him  to  ac- 
cept the  mission.  He  was  confined  to  his  bed,  suffering 
from  a  severe  cold  and  fever.  *  You  perplex  me  infinite- 
ly,' said  M.  Thiers,  '  in  making  so  unexpected  a  proposi- 
tion. You  know  my  sentiments ;  they  are  not  hostile  to 
the  Government  of  National  Defense.  I  hope  it  may  suc- 
ceed, but  I  would  prefer  not  to  be  associated  with  it. 
You  see,  I  am  in  no  condition  to  act  as  its  messenger. 
But  this,  however,  is  the  least  important  obstacle.  The 
principal  trouble  is  the  hard-heartedness  of  the  European 
cabinets.  It  would  be  unpleasant  for  me  to  be  treated 
by  them  with  indifference,  and,  yet,  I  have  the  presenti- 
ment that  such  would  be  the  result  of  the  mission  you 
offer  me.     Nevertheless,  our  disasters  make   me  so  un- 


200  Life  of  Thiers.  \\%io. 

happy,  that  it  pains  me  that  I  am  not  seconding  the  men 
who  are  tryiivg  to  repair  them.  Allow  me  to  reflect  on 
this  proposition  for  a  few  hours.  I  will  give  you  my  an- 
swer to-morrow.' 

"  The  next  day  he  came  to  see  me.  He  was  active  and 
well ;  the  thought  of  giving  his  country  a  new  proof  of  his 
indefatigable  devotion  had  cured  him.  In  fact,  this  is  one 
of  the  characteristics  of  his  privileged  nature,  where  are 
found  inexhaustible  physical  and  moral  resources,  and  an 
elasticity  which  confounds  those  who  are  not  acquainted 
with  its  wonderful  richness.  While  listening  to  him  ex- 
plaining to  me  the  motives  that  had  led  him  to  accept  the 
mission,  I  could  not  but  admire  the  simplicity  and  the 
vigor  with  which — in  spite  of  so  many  excellent  reasons 
for  sparing  himself  the  fatigues,  the  perils,  and  the  morti- 
fications of  so  thankless  an  enterprise — a  man  of  his  age, 
who  had  so  many  times  paid  his  debt  to  his  country,  readily 
gave  this  new  proof  of  his  patriotism,  without  apparently 
imagining  that  there  was  any  merit  in  not  refusing  it.  I  had 
asked  him  to  go  to  London  ;  he  also  offered  to  go  to  St. 
Petersburg  and  Vienna,  where  he  hoped  to  have  a  favora- 
ble reception.*     I  thanked  him  with  all  my  heart." 

Thiers,  in  accepting  the  mission  that  was  offered  him, 
undertook  a  struggle  with  the  impossible.  He  knew  this 
himself.  He  has  expressed  this  feeling  in  a  way  that 
makes  it  easy  to  comprehend  his  meaning.f     In  London, 

*  Thiers  visited  also  Florence,  then  the  capital  of  Italy. 
f  Thiers  before  the  Committee  of  Inquiry. 


^T.  73.]  Revolution  of  September  \iJi.  201 

where  he  was  received  with  merited  attentions,  he 
found  the  Cabinet  possessed  of  an  irremovable  in- 
ertia. The  most  he  could  hope  for,  was  that  England 
would  put  herself  at  the  head  of  the  neutral  Powers,  "  to 
exert  an  influence  on  Prussia  at  the  moment  when  peace 
negotiations  should  be  begun." 

Bismarck  had  shut  up  all  the  channels  by  which  diplo- 
macy might  have  penetrated  into  the  Courts  and  Cabinets. 
Austria  was  as  much  restrained  as  England  was  inert. 
Russia  was  perhaps  an  accomplice.  Thiers  found  her 
polite,  but  that  was  all.  Italy  sympathized  with  France  ; 
but  the  folly  of  the  Empire,  as  Prince  Napoleon  has 
shown,*  had  paralyzed  her.  No  armed  aid  was  to  be  ex- 
pected from  Europe.  There  was  little  ground  for  hop- 
ing that  even  a  moral  influence  would  be  exerted  at  the 
overtures  of  peace.  Thiers,  therefore,  found  himself 
necessarily  forced  to  turn  towards  Bismarck. 

But  this  was  going  from  one  impossibility  to  another, 
falling  from  Scylla  into  Charybdis.  Bismarck  had  his  own 
perfected  plan,  and  Paris  another,  just  the  contrary. 
Bismarck  wished  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  following  in  the  wake  of  Paris, 
could  not  yet  bring  itself  to  pass  under  the  Caudine 
yoke.  Between  these  diametrically  opposite  situations 
there  was  no  compromise  possible,  and  every  attempt  to 
find  a  middle  term,  to  reconcile  them,  failed  utterly. 
Thiers,  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  war,  saw  clearly 

*  Kevue  Jcs  Deux  Mondes,  for  April  1st,  1878. 


202  Life  of  Thiers.  [1870-71. 

what  the  result  would  be.  He  knew  the  insufficient  prepa- 
rations on  the  French  side,  and  the  incapacity  of  the  men 
who  were  to  direct  the  French  armies.  This  was  the  prin- 
cipal reason  why  he  so  earnestly  opposed  the  war  before  it 
began.  After  the  disasters  which  he  had  predicted — great- 
er, however,  than  he  had  foretold — a  peace  policy  became 
all  the  stronger  with  him.  To  bring  this  about,  he  undertook 
that  futile  mission  to  the  Courts  of  Europe,  and  defeated 
there,  he  still  continued  his  opposition  to  the  war,  and, 
consequently,  to  the  policy  of  the  Government,  which,  at 
Tours  and  Bordeaux,  favored  the  plan  of  Jules  Favre,  to 
fight  to  the  last.  But  soon  Paris  capitulated  and  France 
imitated  the  capital.  An  armistice  was  concluded  ;  the 
electors  were  summoned  to  choose  a  new  Assembly  which 
should  decide  upon  war  or  peace.  Thiers,  elected  by 
twenty-six  departments,  was  made  Chief  of  the  Executive 
Power,  and  was  to  act,  "  under  the  control  and  the  au- 
thority of  the  National  Assembly,  and  with  the  co-opera- 
tion of  Ministers  chosen  and  presided  over  by  himself."  * 
Thus,  the  misfortunes  of  his  country  opened  to  Thiers 
a  new  career,  and  were  to  impose  upon  him  a  task,  which 
was  heavier  and  more  glorious  perhaps  than  all  those  with 
which  changing  events  had  up  to  that  time  loaded  his 
long  and  active  life. 

*  Decree  of  the  National  Assembly,  February  nth,  1871. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THIERS'S   PRESIDENCY. — 1871-1873. 

We  have  come  to  the  last  period  of  the  history  of 
Thiers,  the  most  memorable  and  the  most  meritorious, 
which  is  the  crowning  of  his  long  life,  and  which  will 
remain  marked  in  the  annals  of  France,  as  the  greatest 
effort  yet  accomplished  to  give  it  a  government  in  con- 
formity with  its  genius. 

France,  at  the  moment  when  Thiers  took  the  reins  of 
power,  after  the  elections  of  February  8th,  1871,  was  in 
the  most  critical  and  grevious  condition.  The  Germans 
in  possession  of  its  territory  as  far  as  the  river  Loire,  its 
armies  in  part  prisoners,  its  treasury  empty,  its  credit 
gone,  its  administration  disorganized  ;  the  political  parties 
alive  and  ready  to  come  to  blows ;  an  Assembly  that  was 
monarchical  and  clerical ;  the  great  cities  of  the  South, 
Lyons,  Marseilles,  Bordeaux  and  Toulouse,  conspiring 
against  the  Assembly  ;  the  Paris  National  Guard  chafing 
under  the  humiliation  of  defeat,  and  controlled  by  a  factious 
spirit  ready  to  turn  to  advantage  its  irritated  patriotism, 
— such  was  the  picture.  Furthermore,  there  was  no  gov- 
ernment, and,  in  the  multiplicity  of  parties,  their  divisions 
and  their  subdivisions,  with  an  Assembly  considered  as 


204  Life   of  Thiers.  [1871, 

the  expression  of  a  transitory  sentiment,  of  a  panic,  not 
the  manifestation  of  the  permanent  wants  and  sober  reflec- 
tion of  the  country,  and  where  all  was  confusion  and  clash- 
ing, there  was  ground  for  fear  that  it  was  as  equally  im- 
possible to  found  a  monarchy  as  a  republic.  There  seem- 
ed no  end  to,  nor  issue  from,  the  chaos. 

Thiers  felt  deeply  this  lamentable  situation.  As  a  citi- 
zen he  deplored  it,  and  as  a  statesman  he  was  profoundly 
troubled  by  it.  His  attention  was,  above  all,  engrossed 
by  the  opinions  and  parties  of  the  Assembly.  Though 
depressed  by  the  misfortunes  arising  from  the  war,  and 
recognizing  the  necessity  of  repairing  them  so  soon  as 
possible,  he  was  too  well  acquainted  with  the  resources 
of  the  country,  to  be  alarmed  at  the  difificulties  that  the 
work  of  reparation  would  impose  upon  him.  But  how 
was  a  government  to  be  formed  from  the  intellectual  and 
moral  anarchy  which  surrounded  him,  one  single  will  to 
rule  so  many  divergent  minds,  a  fixed  policy  to  be  shaped 
out  of  so  many  parties,  which  wished,  the  one  a  mon- 
archy, the  others  a  republic,  and  which,  whether  monar- 
chists or  republicans,  were  divided  even  among  them- 
selves ? 

There  was  the  difficulty,  there  was  the  rub,  which — 
though  lost  sight  of  for  the  moment  in  the  all-absorbing 
question  that  the  new  Assembly  was  elected  to  decide, 
namely,  war  or  peace  with  the  victorious  Prussians — was 
sure  to  come  forward  again  as  the  most  vital  and 
dangerous  subject  for  consideration.     It  presented  em- 


jEr.  74.]  Thiers  s   Presidency.  2o5 

barrassments  on  every  side:  to  attempt  to  resolve  it 
immediately,  was  to  receive  a  certain  check  ;  to  leave  it 
undecided,  was  to  keep  alive  the  hopes  of  the  ambitious, 
and  to  inflict  on  the  countr}^  all  the  evils  of  an  unsettled 
government.  If  a  middle  course  were  adopted,  if  the  powers 
of  the  Assembly  were  limited  to  the  pressing  question  of 
peace,  and  that  of  the  form  of  government  were  given  over 
to  a  new  Assembly — a  Constituent — elected  by  the  people, 
the  difficulty  was  not  disposed  of,  for  there  was  no 
ground  for  believing  that  the  Assembly  would  consent 
to  abdicate  so  promptly,  or  that  the  new  elections 
would  materially  change  the  state  of  affairs.  Further- 
more, if  the  Assembly  would  dissolve,  it  would  only  be 
increasing  the  perplexity  of  the  work  of  reparation  by  a 
still  more  delicate  and  more  laborious  task,  that  of  im- 
posing upon  a  nation  already  fatigued,  and  in  need  of 
perfect  rest,  the  toil  and  excitement  of  a  passionate  and 
hotly-contested  election. 

Thiers — after  examining  the  question  in  all  its  aspects 
— rejected  the  idea  6i  an  immediate  solution  of  the  diffi- 
culty, and  adopted  the  plan  known  under  the  name  of 
the  Truce  of  the  Parties,  or  the  Pact  of  Bordeaux,  which 
imposed  upon  him — to  employ  his  own  words,  pro- 
nounced a  few  hours  before  he  fell  from  office — "  an 
immediate  task,  that  of  making  peace,  re-organizing  the 
country,  and  removing  the  enemy  from  the  soil  of 
France;  andasubsequent  task,  oneof  foresight,  that  of  di- 
recting the  Assembly  towards  a  durable  form  of  govern- 


2o6  Life  of  Thiers.  [1874. 

ment."  *  But — and  this  point  must  be  insisted  upon — 
though  he  postponed  the  question  of  a  permanent  govern- 
ment, he  was  not  undecided  in  regard  to  its  solution.  He 
said  one  day,t  that  skepticism  did  not  enter  into  his  nature, 
his  mind,  or  his  character,  and  he  spoke  the  truth.  It  is 
equally  true  that  he  understood  at  the  same  time  both 
parts  of  his  task.  He  had  entered  ofifice  with  a  conviction 
and  a  resolution :  with  the  conviction  that  a  monarchy 
was  impossible,  and  with  the  resolution  to  work  for  the 
foundation  of  the  Republic. 

M.  Cuvilli-er-Fleury — a  former  partisan  of  constitutional 
monarchy,  and  like  Thiers,  a  convert  to  the  Republic — 
seems  to  think  that  it  is  to  the  circumstances  in  which 
Thiers  was  invested  with  the  executive  power,  that  is 
due  his  conversion  to  the  Republic.  %  M.  Cuvillier- 
Fleury  is  mistaken.  This  conversion  was  of  earlier  date. 
His  long-standing  preferences  for  constitutional  mon- 
archy had  given  way  before  the  spectacle  of  our  revolu- 
tions, as  M.  Grevy  §  remarked  at  his  tomb.  He  said  so 
himself  more  than  once,  long  before  he  had  any  thought 
of  being  called  upon  to  found  the  Republic,  ||  and  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  show  that  he  meant  what  he  said  when 


*  Speech  of  May  24th,  1873.  +  Speech  of  May  24th,  1873. 

±  M.  Cuvillier-Fleury  in  the  Journal  des  Dtfbats,  September  29th,  1877. 

§  Jules  Grevy,  (1813  ),  advocate  and  republican  statesman;  partici- 
pated actively  in  the  three  days'  fight  of  the  July  Revolution  ;  deputy  under 
the  February  Republic  and  the  Empire  ;  and  deputy  and  President  of  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  under  the  present  Republic. 

II  This  important  point  would  be  vouched  for  by  M.  Barthelemy-St.- 
Hilaire,  his  intimate  friend  ;  M.  Laboulaye.  M.  Madier  de  Montjau,  the 
deputy,  and  even  the  Duke  de  Broglie,  his  implacable  enemy. 


^T.  74]  Thiers s   Presidency.  207 

at  the  close  of  his  life,  the  course  of  events  gave  him 
the  opportunity. 

Thiers  could  not,  in  the  month  of  February,  187 1,  say  all 
he  thought ;  for,  by  so  doing,  he  would  have  contradicted 
his  official  policy.  His  language,  nevertheless,  in  spite 
of  some  necessary  reserves,  but  more  especially  his  acts, 
was  very  significant,  as  can  be  easily  proven  by  even  a 
cursory  glance  at  the  varied  events  of  the  day.  As  late  as 
November,  1872,  for  example.Thiers  said  in  the  Assembly: 
"  If  I  am  applauded,  it  is  not  because  I  am  unfaithful  to  the 
beliefs  of  my  life,  not  because  I  hold  the  opinions  of  the 
honorable  deputies  who  sit  on  these  benches  (pointing 
to  the  Left),  not  that  I  hold  the  opinions  of  the  most 
radical  or  the  most  conservative  among  them.  No ! 
They  know  that  on  most  social,  political  and  economic 
questions,  I  do  not  hold  their  opinions.  They  know  it. 
I  have  always  told  them  so.  No,  neither  concerning 
taxation,  nor  the  army,  nor  the  social  organization,  nor 
the  organization  of  the  Republic,  do  I  think  with  them."  * 

This  is  but  an  apparent  contradiction.  The  peculiar 
situation  in  which  Thiers  was  placed,  the  condition  of 
the  country,  the  mind  of  the  people,  the  voice  of  Europe, 
all  these  were  conflicting  elements  that  a  statesman  of 
Thiers's  practical  nature  had  to  consider  and  carefully 
observe.  This  point  will  be  more  fully  developed  in  the 
course  of  this  chapter,  and  in  the  one  which  follows, 
wherein  we  shall  show,  we  think,   that,  as  a  whole,   the 

*  Journal  Officiel,   November,  1872,  page  7409. 


2o8  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

conduct  of  Thiers, throughout  his  presidency,  was  favora- 
ble to  the  Republic. 

Named  by  the  National  Assembly  Chief  Executive,  on 
February  17th,  1871,  he  declared,  on  making  known  the 
names  of  his  ministers,  that  he  had  chosen  them  for  no 
other  reason,  than  because  of  the  esteem  universally 
accorded  by  the  public  to  their  character  and  their  ability ; 
that  he  had  selected  them  "  not  from  one  of  the  parties 
that  divided  the  Assembly,  but  from  all,  as  the  country 
had  done  in  electing  its  deputies,  in  presenting  often  in 
the  same  deputation  very  different  names,  men  apparently 
of  diametrically  opposite  opinions,  united  only  by  patriot- 
ism, intelligence  and  good  intentions."*  This  was  true, 
for  out  of  the  seven  ministers  whom  he  had  chosen,  three 
were  republicans  of  an  early  date,  Jules  Favre,  Jules 
Simon  and  Picard,  while  Dufaure,  Lambrecht.f  Admiral 
Pothuau,:]:  General  Le  F16§  and  even  Baron  de  Larcy,  || 
a  legitimist,  were  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  the 
Republic. 

No  wonder  a  Republican  newspaper,  the  Avcnir  Na- 

*  Speech  at  Aicachon  in  1875. 

f  Lambrechi,  (iS  [9-1871),  engineer  by  profession  ;  Opposition  deputy  in 
1863  ;  deputy  in  1871  and  Minister  of  Commerce  under  Thiers. 

|Pothuau,  (1815  ),  in  active  naval  service  for  many  years  ;  liberal 

deputy  in  1871  ;  Minister  of  the  Marine  under  Thiers  ;  and  now  (1878)  life- 
senator  and  Minister  of  the  Marine  and  Colonies. 

§Le  Flo,   (1S04  ),  distinguished  himself  in  Africa   during  the  July 

Monarchy  ;  deputy  under  the  February  Republic  ;  exiled  by  Napoleon  ; 
deputy  after  the  September  Revolution  ;  Minister  of  War  under  Thiers  ; 
and  now  (1S78)  ambassador  of  France  at  St.  Petersburg. 

II Baron  de  Larcy,  (1805 ),  advocate,  statesman  and  publicist  ;  deputy 

under  the  Tuly  Monarchy  and  the  republic  of  1848;  retired  to  private  life 
after  the  coup  d'etat;  deputy  in  1871  and  Minister  of  Public  Works  under 
Thiers. 


mt.  74-]  Thiers  s  Presidency.  209 

tional,  wrote,  after  his  nomination  as  Chief  Executive, 
recalling  the  fact  that  he  had  been  suggested  to  the 
Assembly  by  Dufaure  and  Grevy  :  "  In  a  new  situation 
M.  Thiers  wishes  to  be  a  new  man,  and  the  little  w? 
know  of  what  has  been  going  on  at  Bordeaux  since 
February  13th,  seems  to  indicate  that  M.  Thiers  is  in 
reality  turning  his  face  not  towards  the  past  but  towards 
the  future." 

All  the  republicans  were  not  so  penetrating.  Thiers 
continued  to  be  distrusted  not  onl)'  by  the  survivors  of 
1 848,. those  whom  he  had  combated  during  the  founda- 
tion period  of  the  July  Government,  but  also  by  the  new 
generation,  and  not  always  by  the  least  intelligent  of 
those  who  represented  it.  His  past  alienated  the  first, 
his  conduct  during  the  recent  war  gave  the  second  ground 
for  suspicion.  His  impartial  and  neutral  policy  was 
looked  upon  by  many  as  a  sort  of  seesaw  which  hid  his 
personal  aims,  and  which,  according  to  circumstances, 
could  tip  towards  monarchy  or  republicanism.  And  yet 
his  real  opinion  escaped  him  even  in  the  tribune.  O'n 
March  loth,  1871,  repeating  his  declarations  of  neutrality, 
recalling  the  necessity  of  "  postponing  numerous  differ- 
ences  and  questions  relating  to  the  constitution,"  in  order 
that  he  might  give  his  undivided  attention  to  the  recon- 
struction of  the  country,  he  was  asked  in  what  form  this 
reconstruction  would  come  about.  He  replied:  "  In  the 
form  of  the  Republic  and  in  its  favor." 

This    opinion   was    brought    out    more  clearly  by  the 


2IO  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

course  events  took.  It  is  seen  in  Thiers's  speech, 
delivered  on  March  27th,  1871,  in  the  midst  of  the  insur- 
rection of  the  Commune.  He  could  not  have  gone 
further  without  breaking  in  pieces  the  Pact  of  Bordeaux, 
which  would  have  produced  an  insurrection  within  an  insur- 
rection. The  same  thing  is  true  of  his  speech  delivered 
a  little  later,  on  June  14th,  1871,  after  the  defeat  of  the 
Commune,  concerning  the  amnesty  of  the  Orleans 
princes,*  and  their  admission  into  the  Assembly  to  which 
they  had  been  elected.  This  proposition  had  stirred  up 
the  whole  country.  The  Government  was  troubled  by 
it,  and  would  have  liked  to  expel  the  princes  from  the 
Assembly.  Thiers,  though  at  first  opposed  to  their 
admission,  finally  favored  it,  on  condition  that  the  terms 
of  the  Pact  of  Bordeaux  were  rigorously  observed. 
He  explained  once  more  what  this  Pact  was,  and  did 
not  hesitate  to  unequivocally  declare  that  he  was  not 
working  for  the  Monarchy ;  "■  that  he  would  not  govern 
ill  to  please  it,  though  his  government  should  aid  the 
cause  of  the  Republic."  "  You  have  accepted  this  Pact," 
he  went  on  to  say ;  "  it  was  a  sensible  Pact,  and  so  far 
we  have  succeeded  with  it,  because  we  have  been  faithful 
to  it.  I  trust  that  we  will  still  remain  faithful  to  it. 
But  what  did  I  join  to  this  statement  ?  I  added 
these  words,  which  I  remember  displeased  some  of 
you  when  I  pronounced  them  :  '  Under  this  Government 

*  The   Prince   de   Joiuville   and    the    Duke   d'Aumale,  sons    of    Louis- 
Philippe. 


^T.  74-1  Thiers  s   Presidency.  21  i 

that  belongs  to  everybody,  which  for  the  first  time  for 
many  years  is  not  the  Government  of  a  party,  but  that 
of  all  parties,  under  this  Government,  called  the  Re- 
public, if  we  do  well,  it  is  the  Republic  that  will  profit 
by  it.'  Yes,  gentlemen,  although  I  have  said  that  the 
future  form  of  government  is  postponed  at  the  risk  of 
helping  the  Republic,  I  shall  go  on  governing  as  best  I 
know  hov/.  Nothing  is  more  respectable  than  to  believe 
in  monarchy,  and  to  yearn  for  it.  But  it  is  also  respecta- 
ble to  believe  in  the  Republic,  and  to  long  for  it.  Gentle- 
men, I  entered  into  an  engagement  with  honest  inten- 
tions, and  this  engagement  I  shall  never  break.  It  is 
the  Republic  that  has  been  placed  in  my  hands,  that  I 
accept  in  trust.     I  shall  not  betray  the  Republic." 

This  language  does  not  accord  with  that  which  Mr. 
Bigelow  uses  in  his  opinion  of  Thiers,  when  he  says  that 
he  was  working  for  the  Orleans  princes  at  Bordeaux.* 

It  is  not  necessary  to  push  the  point  further.  Thiers 
was  thoroughly  in  favor  of  the  Republic.  His  only  care 
was  to  prepare  its  foundation,  a  hard  task,  the  more 
difificult  of  the  two  that  he  had  undertaken,  as  will  soon 
be  seen  ;  a  task  that  will  always  receive  the  particular 
attention  of  the  historian  of  this  epoch.  For  there  is  no 
spectacle  more  interesting  to  men,  than  that  of  a  superior 
mind  struggling  to  establish  a  government,  especially 
when  the  struggle  is  long,  obstinate,  full  of  vicissitudes, 
and  crowned,  after  the  greatest  difficulties,  with  success. 

*  See  Author's  Preface,  p.  ix. 


212  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

Since  Thiers  saw  the  necessity  of  the  Republic  and 
honestly  wished  for  its  establishment,  certain  republican 
statesmen,  at  the  moment  of  the  elections  of  February 
8th,  1871,  thought  that  it  would  be  well  to  profit  by  the 
occasion  and  submit  the  form  of  government  to  the  votes 
of  the  people.  M.  Emile  de  Girardin,*  on  February  7th, 
the  very  night  before  the  elections,  wrote  to  Thiers  sug- 
gesting that  he  restore  the  republican  constitution  of 
November  4th,  1848,  and  call  upon  the  electors,  accord- 
ing to  the  requirements  of  that  constitution,  to  choose  a 
president,  after  having  previously  submitted  to  their 
votes  the  question  of  peace  or  war. 

"  Reflect  on  this,  my  dear  and  illustrious  colleague," 
wrote  M.  de  Girardin,  "  as  carefully  as  I  have,  in  my  closet, 
and  you  will  be,  I  am  certain,  of  my  opinion.  And  if  you 
accept  it,  you  will  reap  this  double  advantage  :  You  will 
escape  the  heavy  responsibility  of  making  peace  on  ex- 
orbitant terms  ;  and  you  will  secure  for  your  name  in 
history,  a  glory  equal  to  that  which  has  made  immortal 
the  names  of  Washington  and  Jefferson." 

After  the  elections,  M.  de  Girardin  returned  to  the 
charge.  Thiers  repeatedly  repelled  his  propositions, 
though  he  agreed  with  his  former  colleague  on  the  real 
question.  He  was  not  opposed  to  the  constitution  of 
1848  in  itself.  It  was  simply  a  matter  of  dignity  with 
him,  of  form,  of  conduct.     It  was  the  business  of  the  re- 

*  Emile  de  Girardin,  (iSo6  ),  the  distinguished  journalist  and  publi- 
cist, and  husband  of  Delphine  Gay,  the  poetess,  novelist  and  dramatist. 


^T.  74.]  Thiers  s  Presidciicy.  1 1  3 

publican  party,  and  not  his,  to  take  the  initiative  in  the 
question. 

Thiers  acted  wisely.  France  was  not  in  the  same  situ- 
ation as  the  United  States  in  the  time  of  Washington 
and  Jefferson,  Other  means  were  to  be  employed  to 
reach  the  same  end.  Monarchy  was  no  more  possible  at 
this  moment  in  France,  than  it  was  in  America  in  the 
time  of  these  great  men ;  but  a  majority  of  the  people — 
and  among  them,  many  worthy  men — had  not  yet  shown 
themselves  favorable  to  the  republican  idea,  and  such  a 
demonstration  was  necessary,  in  order  not  to  jeopardize 
the  plan  of  bestowing  upon  France  an  enduring  govern- 
ment. 

Thiers's  whole  effort  was  to  awaken  republican  feeling. 
At  first  he  wished  to  thoroughly  convince  public  opinion, 
that  no  other  government  than  the  Republic  was  any  longer 
possible  in  France  ;  and  to  work  upon  the  anti-republican 
Assembly  for  the  same  purpose,  by  pointing  out  to  it  the 
variance  between  its  own  views  and  those  of  the  country, 
by  bringing  to  bear  upon  it  the  whole  weight  of  public 
opinion,  and  by  demonstrating  to  the  sensible  and  honest 
conservatives,  that  the  Republic  was  not  only  a  necessary 
government,  but  that  it  was  also  a  good  government, 
capable  of  performing  great  and  even  most  difficult  acts. 
For,  in  his  mind — and  he  has  many  times  stated  this 
opinion  in  his  writings — it  is  not  enough  to  improvise  a 
government — even  though  it  be  given  a  most  legitimate 
character — in  order  to  secure  its  permanence.     Whether 


214  ^if^  9f  Thiers.  \-i^i\. 

it  spring  from  a  revolution  or  from  a  coup  d'etat,  whether 
it  afterwards  pursue  a  worthy  course  with  greater  or  less 
honestly  and  earnestness,  every  government  must  always 
submit  to  thetrialof  experience,  which  will  be  more  or  less 
favorable  to  it,  according  to  its  wisdom  or  folly,  its  useful- 
ness or  inefficiency.  The  Republic — supposing  the  popular 
vote,  directly  or  indirectly  consulted,  had  intrusted  its 
fortune  to  the  hands  of  Thiers — could  not  have  escaped 
the  necessity  of  this  trial,  which  would  have  been  the 
more  decisive  as  the  difficulty  of  governing  would  have 
been  greater,  since  the  Assembly  was  not  republican. 
But  why  not  postpone  this  inevitable  trial  ?  This  was 
Thiers's  original  idea.  When  the  Republic  should  have 
accomplished  useful  and  difficult  tasks,  impartial  men,  that 
is  to  say,  the  mass  of  the  nation,  would  be  quick  to  do  it 
justice.  Its  legal  conservation  would  necessarily  follow 
in  one  way  or  another  ;  and  all  the  arguments  against  re- 
publicanism, drawn  from  the  past  and  employed  by  its  ene- 
mies, would  vanish  like  thin  smoke.  As  there  is  no  better 
way  to  prove  motion  than  to  move,  so  there  is  no  better 
way  to  show  the  excellence  of  a  government  than  to 
govern  well. 

Thiers  hoped  that  this  indispensable  condition  of  suc- 
cess would  not  fail  him.  He  had  great  confidence  in 
himself ;  and  he  was  sufficiently  well  acquainted  with  the 
resources  of  France,  to  be  sure  that  they  would  be  equal 
to  the  magnitude  of  the  first  part  of  the  task,  and  with 
its  good  sense,  to  know  that  its  support  would  never  be 


^T.  74.]  Thiers  s   Presidency.  2 1 5 

withdrawn  from  those  who  governed  according  to  the  in- 
stincts and  interests  of  the  country.  He  hoped  also  that, 
without  missing  his  object,  and,  at  the  same  time,  without 
conceaHng  it,  he  might  quietly  bring  the  Assembly  around 
to  his  own  way  of  thinking.  He  thought  that  necessity 
would  prove  stronger  than  its  bad  temper,  that  it  would 
follow  him  though  provoked,  and  would  continue  to  sub- 
mit to  him  so  long  as  the  necessity  lasted,  and  that 
when  this  necessity  no  longer  existed,  the  services  ren- 
dered by  the  Republic  would  be  sufificient  to  secure  the 
respect  of  France. 

The  insurrection  which  broke  out  on  March  i8th, 
1 87 1, — the  Paris  Commune — which  might  have  com- 
promised everything,  and  which  did,  in  effect,  by 
accumulating  new  difficulties,  greatly  complicate  Thiers's 
undertaking  —  was  the  first  term  in  the  demonstra- 
tion. It  had  this  good  effect  at  least,  that  it  proved 
that  the  Republic,  even  in  its  provisional  and  tentative 
form,  was  able  to  endure  a  most  trying  and  exhaustive 
strain.  For  this  reason,  as  well  as  for  the  important 
place  that  it  holds  in  the  history  of  Thiers's  Government 
and  in  the  public  mind,  and  on  account  of  its  tragic 
nature  we  must  devote  a  few  pages,  not  to  a  complete 
consideration  of  all  its  phases,  but  to  point  out  the 
causes  and  the  character  of  the  struggle,  and  the  policy 
of  the  Versailles  Government  in  regard  to  it. 

After  the  elections  of  February  8th,  1871,  which  named 
the  Assembly  that  brought  about   peace,  the  National 


2i6  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

Guard  of  Paris  was  divided  between  two  feelings :  it 
would  not  pardon  the  Government  of  National  Defense 
the  capitulation  made  necessary  by  what  it  considered 
a  weak  resistance ;  and  it  feared  that  the  Assembly 
wished  to  destroy  the  Republic.  The  entrance  of  the 
Prussians  within  the  walls  of  Paris,  and  the  first  acts  of 
the  Assembly,  such  as  the  numerous  incidents  attending 
the  establishment  of  the  powers  of  the  various  branches 
of  the  Government  ;  especially  the  scandalous  discussion 
concerning  the  election  of  Garibaldi,  whom  a  deputy 
dared  to  call  a  "  supernumerary  of  a  melodrama  ;  "  *  the 
resignation  of  Victor  Hugo,  made  in  a  burst  of  proud 
and  patriotic  indignation  ;  f  the  removal  of  the  seat  of 
government  from  Paris  to  Versailles,  thus  offending  the 
municipal  government  of  the  capital,  left  to  the  power 
of  a  Bonapartist  general,  Vinoy,:};  suspected  of  meditating 
a  coKp  d'etat;  the  measures  taken  by  this  general,  which 
gave  ground  for  these  suspicions ;  the  fact  that  the 
capital  was  under  martial  law ;  the  abrupt  suspension 
of  the  liberty  of  the  press  and  the  right  of  holding 
public  meetings;  an  unfortunate  law  concerning  credit, 
which  ruined  business  and  estranged  the  bourgeoisie ;  the 
prospect  of  a  long  stoppage  of  work  for  the  workmen, 
succeeding  the  cruel  sufferings  of  the  siege  ;  the  sudden 
discontinuance   of   the   pay  of    the    National   Guard — all 

*  Garibaldi  was  elected  deputy  in  1871  as  an  acknowledgment  of  his  ser- 
vices on  the  French  side  in  the  war  of  1870-71,  but  he  did  not  take  his  seat. 

f  Victor  Hugo  resigned  because  the  Chamber  had  refused  to  listen  to  him, 
as  he  said. 

X  General  Vinoy  is  now  (1S78)  Grand  Chancellor  of  the  Legion  of  Honor. 


^T.  74.]  Thiers  s  Presidency.  217 

these  various  and  important  acts  had  increased  daily  in 
every  class  the  feeling  of  discontent.  At  the  moment 
when  the  Assembly  left  Bordeaux  for  Versailles,  where 
it  was  to  CQjivene  on  March  20th,  1871,  the  insurrection 
appeared  certain  to  many  minds,  M.  Louis  Blanc,  in  a 
remarkably  eloquent  speech,  had  predicted  it  at  Bor- 
deaux. All  the  materials  had  been  brought  together, 
and  the  slightest  incident  might  produce  the  explosion. 
What  has  been  called  the  cannon  question  was  the  first 
spark. 

The  day  before  the  Prussians  entered  Paris,  the  National 
Guard  seized  a  certain  number  of  cannon,  made  during 
the  siege  by  private  industry,  with  funds  derived  from 
private  subscriptions.  These  pieces  had  been  carried 
into  different  quarters  of  the  city,  and  the  National 
Guard  was  ordered  to  protect  them.  The  Government 
demanded  them  in  vain.  Influential  members  of  the  re- 
publican party,  among  others  M.  Clemenceau,*  interfered 
in  order  to  bring  about  a  pacific  solution  of  the  diiificulty. 
They  even  hoped  at  one  time  to  succeed  in  this  effort,  for 
the  Government  had  solemly  promised  them  to  make 
concessions.  But,  on  a  sudden,  in  the  morning  of  March 
1 8th,  1 87 1,  an  attempt  was  made  to  sieze  the  cannon  by 
main  force.  The  attack,  which  was  poorly  carried  out, 
failed  at  all  points.  The  troops,  at  the  first  contact  with 
the   people,  surrounded  by  women  and  children,  raised 

♦Clemenceau,  (1841  ),  physician  by  profession  ;  and   radical  deputy 

since  1871. 


2i8  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

the  butts  of  their  muskets  in  the  air.  Blood  was  shed  in 
the  Montmartre  quarter  of  Paris:  Generals  Lecomte 
and  Clement  Thomas,  seized  by  an  infuriated  band,  were 
killed  on  the  spot. 

It  appears  to  be  admitted  that  the  check  is  attributable 
to  the  measures  taken.  It  might  have  been  repaired  the 
very  same  day,  if  the  military  authorities  had  acted  with 
some  vigor.  Unfortunately,  after  as  before  the  defiance 
of  the  troops,  slackness,  sluggishness  and  indecision 
marked  the  conduct  of  the  affair.  The  conquerors,  during 
the  first  two  days,  appeared  very  much  embarrassed  by 
their  victory.  The  largest  number  of  the  battalions  of 
the  National  Guard  did  not  wish  to  go  as  far  as  a  revolu- 
tion. It  is  not  certain  that  the  Central  Committee  *  it- 
self, to  which  has  been  attributed  the  initiation  of  the 
movement,  had  a  fixed  plan.  A  bold  attempt  to  unite 
the  battalions  of  the  aristocratic  quarters,  might  have  dis- 
concerted the  plan,  held  its  partisans  in  check,  and  at 
least  have  given  public  opinion  time  to  make  itself  felt. 

This  was  never  thought  of  or  was  not  desired.  The 
conduct  of  the  responsible  authorities  seems  to  point  to- 
wards a  premeditated  design,  in  the  interest  of  a  party,  to 
leave  the  way  open  to  an  insurrection.  The  measures 
taken  the  next  day  presented  the  same  character  as  those 
of  the  previous  day.  There  was  no  more  good  sense 
shown  in  the  retreat  than  in  the  attack.     Although  Thiers 

*  The  Central  Committee  was  composed  of  certain  unknown  names  said 
to  be  affiliated  with  the  International  Association. 


JET.  74.]  Thiers  s  Presidency.  219 

had  forseen  the  necessity  of  leaving  Paris,  nothing  was 
done  to  meet  the  emergency.  The  departure  of  the 
Government  resembled  a  rout.  General  Vinoy  left  behind 
him  troops,  as  well  as  the  public  coffers. 

The  insurrection,  therefore,  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
one  of  those  inevitable  events,  which  seem  to  be  fated  in 
the  course  of  history.  M.  Vautrain,  formerly  a  deputy  and 
mayor  of  Paris,  said  one  day  in  the  Chamber,  that  if  the 
Assembly  had  been  at  Paris,  the  insurrection  would  not 
have  taken  place.  "  From  the  15th  of  March,"  he  said, 
"  the  outbreak  was  obvious.  More  than  one  man  foretold 
the  movement  and  felt  it.  But  the  Minister  of  the  In- 
terior *  had  a  terrible  responsibility :  he  might  have  suf- 
fered a  check,  he  might  have  succeeded  if  the  proper 
vigor  had  been  employed. — But  he  could  not  act,  because 
you  were  not  there ^ 

There  was  some  hope,  however,  even  after  the  triumph 
of  the  insurrection.  The  mayors  of  the  different  quarters 
of  "Paris  and  the  deputies  of  the  capital,  endeavored 
to  effect  an  understanding.  A  conciliatory  resolution 
offered  by  M.  Arnaud  de  I'Ari^gef  in  the  name  of  his 
colleagues,  would  have  greatly  embarrassed  the  Central 
Committee,  if  it  had  been  adopted  by  the  Assembly;  for 
it  would  have  divided  the  National  Guard,  and  separated 
the  moderate  from  those  who  wished  to  carry  things  to 

*  Ernest  Picard. 

f  Arnaud  de  I'Ariege,  (1819-1878),  advocate,  publicist  and  republican 
politician  ;  deputy  under  the  republic  of  1848  ;  deputy  in  iSyt  ;  and,  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  senator. 


2  20  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

extremes.  But  it  did  not  enter  into  the  policy  of  the 
Majority  to  accept  an  accommodation.  It  hoped  that,  as 
in  1848,  after  the  excesses  of  the  month  of  June,*  terri- 
fied society  would  long  for  a  protector,  and  monarchy 
would  be  considered  the  only  issue  from  the  danger.  It 
conceived,  at  this  early  day,  the  idea  of  putting  the 
Prince  de  Joinville — son  of  Louis-Philippe — in  Thiers's 
place.  In  one  of  the  sessions  of  the  Assembly  at  this 
time,  the  suggestion  was  actually  introduced  in  the  course 
of  debate,  but  the  Government,  rightly  thinking  that  the 
remedy  would  only  aggravate  the  evil,  secured  an  adjourn- 
ment, and  all  idea  of  conciliation  was  thenceforth  aban- 
doned. M.  Jules  Simon  has  well  said  in  his  recent  work 
on  Thiers's  Government,  that  ''  there  were  two  militant 
governments  standing  face  to  face,"  two  blind  powers,  the 
Central  Committee  and  the  legislative  majority.  Thiers, 
placed  between  the  two,  could  only  bow  before  that 
which  had  legality  on  its  side. 

The  mayors  and  deputies  of  Paris,  in  their  ardor 
for  pacification,  hoping  against  all  hope,  made  another 
attempt  to  bring  about  an  accommodation.  Thinking 
that  an  authority  emanating  from  the  suffrage  of  Paris, 
would  be  more  acceptable  to  the  Assembly  than  the 
revolutionary  Central  Committee,  they  took  measures 
to  bring  about  the  appointment  of  a  representative  body 
by  a  municipal  election. 

The   Commune   sprang  from  these  elections.     Though 

*See  page  140. 


.Et.  74-]  Thiers  s  Presidency.  221 

the  new  power  had  a  more  clearly  defined  plan  than  the 
Central  Committee,  though  it  was  rather  political  than 
social,  it  was  as  bitter  in  its  feelings  towards  the  Ver- 
sailles Government  as  its  predecessor,  and,  though  it  was 
morestrongly.republican,  still,  as  before,  the  same  interval 
separated  the  two  camps,  which  now  could  not  approach 
each  other  except  in  battle  array. 

Two  unfortunate  circumstances,  two  accidents,  as 
always  happens  in  crises  too  prolonged,  precipitated  the 
struggle.  An  army  surgeon  was  killed  by  the  National 
Guard,  and,  almost  at  the  same  time,  three  members  of 
the  National  Guard,  surprised  at  Chatou,  a  little  town  a 
few  miles  west  of  Paris,  were  shot  on  the  spot.  From 
this  moment  all  the  passions  of  civil  war  were  let  loose. 
It  was  no  longer  adversaries  that  one  had  before  him  :  the 
National  Guard  were  now  only  "  the  villains  of  the 
Commune,"  and  the  regular  soldiers  only  "  the  Versailles 
assassins." 

There  is  sometimes  in  human  events  a  fatal  succession 
of  calamities.  From  the  infatuation  of  the  crowd  for 
the  name  of  a  warrior,  sprang  the  second  Empire  ;  from 
the  senseless  ambition  of  Napoleon  III  came  the  Prus- 
sian invasion  ;  from  the  invasion,  the  insurrection  ; 
from  the  insurrection,  civil  war  ;  and,  as  the  last  resulted 
from  tremendous  wrongs,  it  was  naturally  guilty  of  awful 
excesses. 

The  entr}^  of  the  troops  into  Paris  at  the  end  of  the 
month  of  May,  1871,  which  marked  the  fall  of  the  Com- 


222  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

mune,  is  one  of  the  most  tragic  episodes  of  history. 
An  ambassador,  a  man  of  wit,  who  was  asked  what  he 
did  during  the  Commune,  replied  that  he  spent  his  time 
going  from  Bicetre  to  Charenton  and  from  Charenton  to 
Bicetre,*  that  is  to  say,  from  Paris  to  Versailles,  and 
vice  versd,  meaning  by  this  witticism,  that  the  same  folly 
ruled  in  both  camps.  The  contest  was  in  fact  a  long 
series  of  insane  acts,  whose  final  paroxysm  lasted  a  whole 
week.  The  summary  execution  of  the  Commune  prisoners 
commenced  from  the  moment  of  the  entry  of  the  troops  at 
Auteuil,  the  most  westerly  suburb  of  Paris.  The  order  had 
been  given — it  is  Marshal  MacMahon  who  says  so  in  his 
testimony  before  the  Committee  of  Inquiry — to  shoot  down 
every  member  of  the  National  Guard  taken  with  arms  in 
his  hands.  Paris  replied  to  the  Versailles  executions  by 
conflagrations  f  and  the  murder  of  the  hostages.  It  has 
been  estimated  that  there  were  twenty  thousand  sum- 
mary executions  and  two  hundred  assassinations  in  the 
prisons.  Bismarck  was  not  mistaken  when  he  said  to  M. 
Jules  Favre :  "  You  will  see  again  the  horrors  of  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem." 

What  part  of  the  responsibility  of  these  tragic  events 
belonged  to  Thiers?  When  the  insurrection  is  con- 
sidered in  its  first  causes  and  the  civil  war  in  its  prin- 
cipal acts,  we  remark  first    the   vote    of   the   Assembly 

*  Towns  in  the  environs  of  Paris,  fanaous  for  their  insane  asyhims. 

f  We  ought  to  state  that  the  idea  of  incendiarism  was  thought  of  a  long 
time  before  this.  We  heard  it  very  often  developed,  in  the  Club  of  the 
Medical  School,  by  Armand  Levy,  an  old  Bonapartist. 


^T.  74.]  Thiers  s  Prcsidoicy.  223 

which  decapitated  Paris,  the  conduct  of  the  military 
authorities,  both  before  and  after  the  episode  of  the  can- 
non, the  attempts  at  pacification  made  on  the  part  of  the 
mayors  and  the  deputies  of  Paris,  and,  lastly,  the  sum- 
mary executions.  Now,  the  first  of  these  acts  was  done 
against  the  wishes  of  Thiers,  and  by  the  will  of  the  royal- 
ist majority  in  the  Assembly.  It  was  also  the  Assembly 
which  checked  the  negotiations  that  looked  towards  an 
accommodation.  It  was  the  military  authorities  alone 
who  ordered  the  executions.  Thiers  is  responsible  only 
for  having  chosen  for  the  post  of  Governor  of  Paris,  a 
person  who  did  not  know  how  to  take  such  provident 
and  vigorous  measures,  as  would  prevent  or  disarm  the 
insurrection  ;  and,  for  having  placed  confidence  in  a  gen- 
eral,* who  did  not  possess  enough  authority  to  impose 
upon  his  troops  respect  for  victory  and  for  the  laws  of 
humanity  observed  by  civilized  nations. 

Mr.  Bigelow,  as  we  have  seen,t  presents  Thiers  to  us, 
as  suspected  of  having  systematically  wished  to  place  the 
Government  in  an  attitude  of  marked  hostility  towards 
the  governed.  The  real  truth  is  precisely  the  contrary. 
The  whole  history  of  Thiers's  political  life  proves  that 
his  constant  care  was  to  adapt  his  own  views  to  those  of 
the  nation,  and  to  seek  the  aid  of  public  opinion  when- 
ever he  was  forced  to  resist  the  ruling  powers.  And  it  is 
a  curious  fact,  that  never  was  this  more  clearly  seen,  than 
in  this  very  crisis  of  the  Commune,  which  suggested  the 

*  Marshal  MacMahon.  f  See  Author's  Preface,  p.  ix. 


2  24  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

accusation,  although  the  perils  and  the  passions  of  the 
hour  were  of  the  very  nature  to  invite  the  worst  tempta- 
tions. Two  things  were  evident :  In  the  first  place,  the 
character  of  the  insurrection,  which,  if  we  except  the 
eccentric  frenzy  of  the  leaders,  was  purely  republican, 
and  which  would  never  have  occurred  if  it  had  not  been 
for  the  fear  of  seeing  a  monarchy  issue  from  the  palace  of 
Versailles ;  and,  secondly,  the  sentiment  of  the  country 
outside  of  Paris,  particularly  the  great  cities,  which,  with- 
out approving  of  the  insurrection,  coincided  with  it  in  the 
fear  of  a  monarchical  restoration.  Thiers,  who  was  not 
ignorant  of  this,  was  so  little  tempted  to  place  his  Govern- 
ment in  an  attitude  of  hostility  toward  the  governed, 
that  his  republican  declarations  were  never  more  explicit, 
in  spite  of  the  neutrality  imposed  by  the  Pact  of  Bordeaux. 
The  day  after  the  affair  of  the  cannon,  the  Minister  of 
the  Interior,  M.  Picard,  had  posted  throughout  Paris  a 
proclamation  in  which  he  said  that  "  the  Government  of 
the  Republic  did  not  have  and  could  not  have  any  other 
aim  than  the  welfare  of  the  Republic."  Thiers  himself, 
in  spite  of  the  imperative  necessity  that  he  was  under  of 
propitiating  the  Majority,  which  he  needed  in  order  to  be 
able  to  govern,  repelled  with  the  greatest  vehemence  the 
accusation  of  hostility  towards  the  Republic.  On  March 
27th,  1 87 1,  he  said  in  the  Assembly  :  "There  are  enemies 
of  good  order  who  say  that  we  wish  to  overturn  the  Re- 
public. I  deny  this  flatly.  I  found  the  Republic  estab- 
lished when  you  confided  to  me  the  executive  power,  and 


^T.  74.]  Thiers  s  Presidency.  225 

I  shall  no  more  betray  it  than  I  have  betrayed  any  other 
government.  They  lie,  they  lie  a  hundred  times,  who 
say  the  contrary." 

Though  Thiers  treated  the  insurgents  as  enemies,  which 
was  his  right  as  the  head  of  the  Government,  he  sided 
with  them  in  so  far  as  he  could,  without  wanting  in  his 
duty,  by  his  fidelity  to  the  Republic,  a  fidelity  that  he 
could  not  render  more  significant  without  absolutely 
breaking  the  party  truce,  and  adding,  as  we  have  said, 
another  insurrection  to  the  insurrection. 

The  Majority  was  not  ashamed  of  its  attitude,  and 
marked  its  resentment  by  incessant  attacks,  at  the  risk 
of  augmenting  the  difficulties  of  the  situation  and  annoying 
the  Government.  One  day,  a  legitimist  deputy  proposed 
to  return  to  legitimacy,  "  to  crown  our  provisional  edifice," 
as  he  said.  On  another  occasion,  it  was  the  Government 
of  September  4th,  that  was  brought  into  the  debate,  in 
order  to  stir  up  the  republicans  against  Thiers.  Finally, 
on  May  i  ith,  near  the  end  of  the  struggle,  a  direct  attack 
was  made.  M.  Mortimer  Ternaux,'-^  a  fiery  reactionary, 
laid  before  the  Assembly  a  document,  purporting  to  give 
a  report  of  a  conversation  of  Thiers  with  the  members  of 
the  municipality  of  Bordeaux  on  the  subject  of  the  Com- 
mune, and  he  called  upon  Thiers  to  defend  himself  against 
the  indulgent  sentiments  attributed  to  him  in  this  docu- 
ment.    Thiers  could  no  longer  contain  himself,  and  he 

*Ternaux,  (1808  ,)  author,  and  Opposition  deputy  under  the  July 

Monarchy  and    February  Republic  ;  retired  to  private  life  after,  the   coup 
d'etat  TiwA  deputy  in  1871. 


2  26  Life  of  Thiers,  [1871. 

qualified  in  merited  terms  the  contemptible  policy,  based 
on  passion,  prejudice  and  folly,  which  had  no  regard  for 
the  public  welfare. 

Thiers  rarely  employed  to  such  advantage,  as  on  this 
occasion,  that  eloquent  indignation  which  characterized 
his  temperament.  Scarcely  had  the  reactionary  orator 
finished  his  remarks,  when  Thiers  rushed  to  the  tribune. 
He  was  pale  and  indigant.  Emotion  choked  his  voice. 
"  I  refuse,"  he  cried,  "to  give  the  explanations  asked  of 
me."  And  then,  instead  of  being  the  accused,  he  turned 
judge,  and  reproached  the  Assembly  for  its  spirit  of  dis- 
trust, for  its  annoyances  and  ingratitude.  "  I  cannot 
govern  any  longer,"  he  continued  ;  "  tell  me  if  you  are 
weary  of  me.  We  must  understand  each  other  clearly 
on  this  point.  There  must  be  nothing  equivocal  here. 
There  are  those  among  us  who  are  imprudent,  who  are  in 
too  much  of  a  hurry.  Wait  a  week  longer  and  at  the  end 
of  that  week  we  will  have  Paris.  Then  all  danger  will  be 
past.  Whether  the  task  be  difificult,  will  depend  upon 
your  courage  and  capacity." 

The  majority  yielded.  Thiers  asked  for  a  vote  of  con- 
fidence and  obtained  it.  The  majority,  by  its  question, 
showed  what  Thiers's  political  position  was,  and  what  his 
dignity  was,  by  its  vote.  It  had  furthermore,  been  very 
unfortunate  in  its  choice  of  the  time  to  accuse  Thiers  of 
quasi-complicity  with  the  insurrection,  for  at  this  same 
moment  the  Commune  had  decreed  the  destruction  of 
his  Hotel  Di  the   Place  Saint-Georges,  and  at  the  same 


yET.  74-]  Thiers s  Presidency.  227 

hour  that  it  disregarded  his  services,  he  signed  the  treaty 
of  peace  with  Germany. 

The  defeat  of  the  Commune,  the  attitude  of  the  ma- 
jority, which  was  feeble  and  timid  throughout  the  course 
of  the  whole  struggle,  and  the  firm  and  vigorous  conduct 
of  Thiers,  had  strengthened  his  authority  in  the  country, 
and  so  advanced  the  interests  of  the  Republic.  But  he 
was  aware  that  this  very  thing  only  increased  the  hostility 
of  the  majority  towards  him,  and  he  thought  it  wise  to 
take  precautions  against  it. 

There  was  a  danger,  however,  that  political  prudence 
was  called  upon  to  guard  against.  Thiers's  confidence 
did  not  arise  from  the  illusions  of  optimism.  It  did  not 
shut  out  from  his  calculations  opposing  chances.  But 
this  belief  in  the  necessity  of  accepting  the  Republic, 
on  which  he  counted,  might  fail  and  be  destroyed  by 
the  violent  passions  which  pervaded  the  Assembly. 
The  Assembly  was  sovereign  and  held  to  this  power  the 
more  firmly  as  it  was  called  in  question.  The  chief  that 
it  had  chosen  in  spite  of  itself — Thiers  was  fully  conscious 
of  this — might  be  wrecked  by  a  sudden  tempest  before 
his  work  was  finished,  before  he  had  presented  the  country 
— as  a  sign  of  the  happy  advent  of  republicanism — the 
retirement  of  the  German  soldiery  from  the  soil  of  France, 
one  of  the  main  objects  of  his  solicitude,  which,  he  be- 
lieved, would  be  the  crowning  of  the  republican  move- 
ment. Thiers  was  in  fact  at  the  mercy  of  a  careless  vote, 
of  a  dissent  that  might  not  even  be  of  a  political  nature. 


2  28  Life  of  Thiers.  [1871. 

He  might  fall  from  some  parliamentary  mistake.  People 
feared  this.  Under  such  conditions,  how  was  he  to  carry- 
out  his  plans  of  satisfying  the  universal  longing  for  peace, 
of  re-establishing  credit,  of  re-assuring  public  opinion  and 
Europe  ?  How  was  he  to  govern  with  this  "  temporary 
power,  revocable  by  a  vote  at  any  moment,"  as  Thiers  de- 
fined his  authority?  It  was  not  only  "striking  a  bargain 
with  the  fickle  public,"  as  Thiers  wrote  M.  de  Girardin, 
but  it  was  running  the  chance  of  being  cheated,  attempt- 
ing to  walk  a  rope  in  fetters,  of  performing  an  act  of 
fruitless  and  puerile  devotion.  Thiers  saw  his  dangerous 
situation  from  the  first  day.  Events  that  followed  only 
increased  his  desire  to  protect  himself  from  the  agita- 
tions and  passions  of  the  Majority,  until  his  work  was  ac- 
complished. 

Political  passions  are  like  other  passions :  they  consider 
that  alone  good  which  serves  them.  Thiers  had  shown 
that  he  was  equal  to  the  emergency  by  the  masterly  per- 
formance of  the  first  part  of  his  task,  that  of  healing  the 
wounds  made  by  the  war ;  and  he  thus  demonstrated  the 
fact  that  the  Republic,  even  under  a  provisional  form,  was 
capable  of  doing  good  work  when  it  was  loyally  support- 
ed. He  had  brought  order  out  of  a  most  formidable  in- 
surrectioa^— the  Commune ;  he  had  re-established  credit, 
since  the  loan  of  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars  for  the 
payment  of  the  first  two  installments  of  the  Prussian  in- 
demnity had  produced  not  this  sum,  but  a  sum  almost 
double   that   asked    for ;    he   had    re-assured    the   public 


JET.  74.]  Thiers  s   Presidency.  229 

mind  and  won  its  sympathies,  for  the  supplementary 
elections  of  July,  1871,*  which  had  gone  strongly 
republican,  were  more  or  less  approbative  of  his  policy 
and  condemnatory  of  that  of  the  monarchists.  But 
all  these  services,  though  great,  for  this  very  reason,  rend- 
ered the  situation  of  him  who  had  done  them,  all  the 
more  dangerous.  Thiers  saw  this.  The  Majority  showed 
its  feelings  by  repeated  unfriendly  acts.  For  example, 
the  repealing  of  the  laws  concerning  exile,  which  opened 
the  gates  of  France  to  the  Orleans  princes  ;  the  law  which 
conferred  on  a  committee  of  the  Assembly  and  not  on 
the  Executive,  the  pardoning  power ;  and  still  other  sim- 
ilar laws  and  resolutions  forming  a  list  too  long  to  enum- 
erate. It  was  prudent  to  find  a  check  for  this  unre- 
strained resentment,  to  strengthen  the  Government  by 
having  its  powers  more  clearly  defined  than  had  been 
done  at  Bordeaux,  and  assuring  it  a  personal  existence, 
independent  of  the  often  thoughtless  wishes  of  the  As- 
sembly. This  it  was  that  produced  the  Rivetf  resolution 
which  gave  Thiers  the  right  to  exercise  the  executive 
power  as  long  as  the  Assembly  lasted. 

Sensible  men — even  those  who  were  the  least  in  favor 
of  the  Republic — accepted  this  proposition.     "  M.  Thiers 

*  At  these  elections.which  occurred  on  July  2cl  and  gth,  1871, 122  deputies 
were  elected,  of  whom  forty-six  were  radicals,  and  only  thirteen  belonged  to 
the  monarchical  parties.  Gambctta  was  chosen  by  three  different  districts. 
Laboulaye  was  also  returned  at  this  time. 

f  Rivet,  (1800  ),  an  Opposition    Deputy  under  the  July   Monarchy; 

voted  with  the  Right  during  the  February  Republic  ;  opposed  the  coup 
adtat ;  and  deputy  in  1871. 


230  Life   of  Thiers.  [1871, 

and  the  Assembly,"  said  M.  de  Mazade,*  in  August,  1871, 
"  are  the  two  real  forces  of  the  situation  in  which  France 
is  placed ;  and  a  common  wisdom,  the  only  law,  the  only 
rule,  that  binds  these  two  forces,  characterizes  the  present 
regime.  It  has  been  proposed  more  than  once  already  to 
regulate  and  render  more  precise  these  relations,  by  as- 
suring them  at  least  a  fixed  duration,  and  by  removing 
them  from  the  danger  of  daily  changes.  *  *  * 
Nothing,  assuredly,  is  more  natural  than  to  wish  to  give 
certain  stability  to  the  necessary  conditions  of  govern- 
ment, nothing  is  more  statesman-like  than  to  try  to  keep 
in  power,  wisdom  and  ability,  when  they  are  fortunately 
found  united  in  a  man  who  is  an  honor  to  his  country." 

M.  de  Mazade  forgot  to  say  that  the  two  powers  thus 
associated  —  the  Executive  and  the  Legislative  —  were 
forced  to  the  union  by  necessity ;  that  one  of  them  at 
least  had  nothing  more  at  heart  than  to  disembarrass  itself 
of  the  other,  for,  the  proper  moment  arrived,  it  did  not 
hesitate  to  do  what  it  might  have  attempted  earlier; 
and  that  it  was  one  more  reason  why  the  other  power — 
the  Executive — should  be  on  its  guard.  But  M.  de  Maz- 
ade was  not  expected  to  say  everything  or  to  know  every- 
thing. The  important  fact  to  be  understood — and  there 
is  nothing  to  contradict  the  belief  that  M.  de  Mazade 
comprehended  it — is  that  Thiers  looked  for  guarantees 

*  Ch.  de  Mazade,  (1871 ),  the  voluminous  contributor  to  the  Revue  des 

Deux  Mondes,  on  literary,  historical,  and  political  topics,  has  edited,  with 
but  an  occasional  break,  since  1852,  and  still  edits,  the  able  political  Chro- 
nique,  found  at  the  end  of  this  periodical.  The  citation  in  the  text  is  from 
the  Chromque  of  the  number  for  August  ist,  1871, 


JET.  74-]  Thiers  s   Presidency.  231 

of  stability  for  himself  outside  of  the  good  sense  of  his 
associate,  the  Assembly. 

This  was  not  an  easy  thing  to  do.  The  proposition 
of  M.  Rivet  gave  rise  to  a  sharp  discussion.  It  was  car- 
ried, it  is  true,  by  a  large  majority — by  a  vote  of  480  to 
93  ;  but,  in  order  to  obtain  this  result,  Thiers  was  forced 
to  threaten  to  resign. 

This  law— called  the  Rivet  Constitution,  after  the  name 
of  the  deputy  who  introduced  it — marked  out  clearly  the 
course  to  be  followed  by  the  two  powers.  It  set  up  a 
sort  of  "  principality " — to  use  the  word  of  a  talented 
publicist — for  Thiers  ;  but  this  principality,  this  consulate 
of  unlimited  duration,  though  of  necessity  ever  approach- 
ing its  end,  was  not  a  stepping-stone  to  a  monarchy ;  it 
was  the  beginning  of  the  Republic.  M.  Weiss,*  the  writer 
to  whom  we  refer,  said  one  day,  at  about  this  time, 
among  some  friends,  that  Thiers  more  than  anybody  else 
was  laboring  to  found  the  Republic ;  and  he  added,  when 
asked  the  reasons  of  his  opinion:  "  My  reasons?  I  have 
two,  both  of  which  are  excellent,  but  which  you  will 
excuse  me  from  developing.  In  the  first  place,  M.  Thiers 
detests  the  Orleans  princes ;  in  the  next  place,  he  does 
not  wish  to  be  second  in  Paris."  M.  Weiss  was  unjust  to 
Thiers  in  the  vulgar  interpretation  that  he  placed  upon 
his  intentions,  but  the  opinion  was  at  bottom  correct. 
Thiers  was,  indeed,  resolved  to  found  the  Republic.    This 

*  J.  J  Weiss,(i827  ),  professor,  journalist  and  publicist  ;   at  one  time 

editor  of  the  Joitnial des  DSals,  and  founder  of  the  Journal de  Patis. 


232  Life  of  Thiers. 


[1871. 


principality,  which  M.  Weiss,  in  his  newspaper,  loved  to 
shoot  at  with  the  arrows  of  his  irony,  had  been  estab- 
lished for  this  very  purpose,  namely,  that  it  might  even- 
tuate in  the  Republic.  Thiers's  opponents  in  the  Assem- 
bly— more  bitter  than  M.  Weiss — saw  this  as  clearly  as  did 
the  latter.  The  title  of  "  President  of  the  Republic,"  con- 
ferred by  the  Assembly  on  the  Chief  Executive,  proved 
this  conclusively.  The  title  of  the  book,  so  to  speak, 
showed  what  was  to  be  written.  Its  enemies  thought, 
however,  to  render  illusory  the  law  that  circumstances 
had  forced  them  to  pass.  In  the  meanwhile,  they  strove 
to  hinder  the  march  of  the  Government  by  bringing  up 
all  sorts  of  troublesome  and  trifling  questions,  as,  for 
example,  the  proposition  of  M.  Dahirel,*  a  legitimist 
deputy,  who  wished  to  prohibit  Thiers  from  mounting 
the  tribune  ;  and  a  multitude  of  inquiries  threatening  to 
external  peace,  as,  for  instance,  the  question  put  the 
Government  by  another  legitimist  deputy,  concerning  a 
favorable  consideration  of  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Pope.  The  Assembly  was  thus  ushering  in  a  state  of 
affairs,  which,  at  a  later  day,  became  known  as  the  policy 
of  co7tJlicts.\ 

The  passage  of  the  Rivet  law  was  followed  by  a  pro- 
rogation. The  Assembly  adjourned  on  September  i8th, 
1871,  leaving  behind,  in  conformity  to  Article  32  of  the 
Constitution  of  1848,  a  permanent  commission  of  twenty- 

*Dahirel  (1804-1875),  advocate  ;  legitimist  deputy  in  1848;  protested 
ai,^ainst  the  coup  d'etat  and  retired  from  puMic  life  ;  and  became  a  deputy 
in  1871.  f  La  politique  ties  conjiits. 


jet._  .^.]  Thiers  s    Presidency.  233 

five  members,  and  did  not  re-assemble  until  December  4th 
of  the  same  year.  There  was,  therefore,  a  sort  of  lull 
in  the  political  storm.  The  Government  had  ground  to 
hope  that  the  partisans  of  monarchy,  brought  into  inter- 
course with  their  constituents,  would  see  that  the  state 
of  public  opinion  was  favorable  to  its  policy  and  to  the 
Republic.  But  nothing  of  the  kind  happened.  The 
parties  returned  as  they  had  separated.  The  monar- 
chists came  back  with  all  their  old  hopes  and  illusions, 
and  with  the  intention  of  checking  as  before  every  pro- 
ject that  Thiers  should  advance.  The  Left  and  the  Left- 
Centre,  on  the  other  hand,  were  more  than  ever  in  favor 
of  establishing  an  out-and-out  Republic. 

Thiers  had  hoped  that  the  minds  of  reasonable  Orlean- 
ists  would  be  changed  by  contact  with  their  electors  ; 
that  some  of  them,  seated  on  the  extremity  of  the  Left- 
Centre,  might  be  detatched  from  their  group,  and  that 
there  would  thus  be  brought  together  in  the  united  Cen- 
tres, a  compact  mass  of  liberal  conservatives  favorable 
to  the  Republic,  who  would  form  the  pivot  of  his  policy. 
It  was  this  idea  that  inspired  the  political  portion  of 
Thiers's  message  of  December  7th,  1871.  Thiers  appears 
to  speak  in  this  document  with  premeditated  complais- 
ance of  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  Assembly,  to  leave 
to  its  discretion  the  choice  of  the  hour  when  it  would  be 
pleased  to  constitute  his  powers,  to  diminish  himself  to 
the  point  of  becoming  a  "  simple  delegated  administra- 
tor," and,  in  a  word,  to  seem  to  forget  and  reduce  to  a 


2  34  ^V^  ^f  Thiers,  [1872. 

zero  the  Rivet  Constitution.  Was  this  done  for  policy, 
or  was  it,  as  has  been  held,  an  act  of  capitulation  ?  It  is 
certain  that  if  Thiers  was  ready  to  surrender,  it  was  only  for 
a  moment.  Before  and  after  the  supplementary  elections 
of  January  7th,  1872,*  he  took  a  firm  step  in  advance. 
His  ministers,  his  friends,  and  Thiers  himself,  employed 
a  language  which  could  but  re-assure  republicans.  M. 
Barthelemy-St.  Hilaire,  the  President's  secretary  and  con- 
fidential friend,  who  was  rightly  reputed  to  know  all  his 
secrets,  wrote  a  letter  which  was  made  public,  and  in 
which  he  urged  the  candidacy  of  a  radical,  M.  Testelin,  f 
in  the  department  of  the  North.  On  December  22d,  187 1, 
M.  Casimir  Perier,:}:  Minister  of  the  Interior,  in  a  letter  to 
the  prefects  of  the  departments,  concerning  their  conduct 
in  the  approaching  supplementary  elections  of  January  7th, 
1872,  spoke  out  clearly  of  the  government  of  the  Repub- 
lic. M.  Dufaure  refused  to  prosecute  M.  Ranc§  for  having 
been  for  a  short  time  connected  with  the  government  of 
the  Commune,  though  the  question  was  pressed  by  a 
member  of  the  Assembly.  A  few  days  later,  December 
26th,  1871,  Thiers  himself,  in  a  great  speech  on  the  budget, 

*  These  were  the  first  parliamentary  elections  that  occurred  after  those  of 
July,  1871.  Eight  deputies  were  chosen,  of  whom  three  were  monarchial. 
Among  the  five  republican  deputies,  two  were  radicals. 

f  Testelin,    (1S14  ),  physician  and   republican  politician  ;  deputy  of 

the  Left  in  1848  ;  exiled  at  the  coup  d'/tat ;  deputy  since  1871  ;  and  now 
(1878)  life-senator. 

:{:Casimir  Perier,  (1811-1875,)  son  of  the  celebrated  minister  of  Louis-Phil- 
ippe, (see  page  58,)  economist,  diplomatist,  and  liberal  politician  ;  deputy 
from  1846  to  1848  ;  deputy  under  the  February  Republic  ;  member  of  the 
Academy  of  Moral  Sciences   in   1867  ;  and  senator  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

§M.  Ranc — elected  deputy  on  May  lith,  i873^was,  however,  con- 
demned to  death,  through  contumacy,  on  November  13th,  of  this  same  year. 


^T.  75.]  Thiers s  Presidency.  235 

said,  amidst  the  applause  of  the  Left,  that  he  intended  to 
give  the  Republic  a  fair  trial,  and  that  he  did  not  mean 
to  conceal  himself  under  a  mask. 

"  This  trial  should  be  made  seriously  and  sincerely,"  he 
said ;  "  and  I  see  every  day  by  your  sensible  votes,  that 
you  are  all  of  my  opinion.  No,  we  are  not  comedians, 
but  sincere  men.  We  want  it  to  be  an  honest  trial.  Gen- 
tlemen, I  wish  to  unite  you,  not  divide  you  ;  and  when  I 
speak  of  sincerity  and  honesty,  I  do  not  divide  you,  on 
the  contrary,  I  unite  you.  I  am  speaking  to  those  who 
wish  that  this  trial  be  successful,  and  I  address  myself  to 
this  whole  Assembly.  But  I  am  speaking  more  especially 
to  those  who  are  thoroughly  friendly  to  the  Republic, 
and  I  am  of  that  number.  I  call  upon  them  in  the  name 
of  the  secret  and  profound  wishes  of  their  hearts,  in  the 
name  of  universal  justice,  to  stand  by  the  Republic." 

M.  Ernest  Picard,  holding  the  same  opinions  as  Thiers, 
proposed,  a  few  days  after  the  elections  of  January  7th, 
1872,  in  a  caucus  of  the  Left  Center,  that  an  end  be  put 
to  the  provisional  Republic,  and  that  a  definite  and  per- 
manent Republic  be  proclaimed,  that  two  Chambers  be 
created,  and  that  the  Assembly  be  elected  by  thirds. 

This  step  in  advance  was  singularly  aided,  we  are  forced 
to  admit,  by  the  mistakes  of  the  enemies  of  the  Republic, 
by  their  divisions  and  by  the  ever-increasing  difference 
that  existed  between  their  own  views  and  those  of  the 
country,  as  revealed  in  every  supplementary  election.*  The 

*  There  were  six  suppiementary  elections  during  Thiers's  presidency,  at 
which  157  deputies  were  chosen.    Out  of  this  number,  only  twenty-one  were 


236  Life  of  Thiers.  [1872. 

applause  which  Thiers  and  his  government  received  from 
France  and  Europe,  also  helped  on  the  new  movement. 

One  of  Thiers's  ministers  remarked  to  us  one  day,  on 
leaving  the  Assembly  Chamber  at  Versailles  :  "  When  you 
leave  that  hall,  you  really  feel  like  getting  out  of  a  luna- 
tic asylum."  M.  Edgar  Quinet  *  used  the  same  language, 
and  repeated  what  he  had  said  of  another  Assembly: 
"  They  were  a  body  of  children  crying  on  the  edge  of  an 
abyss:  Republic  or  Monarchy !  Life  or  death !  Head  or 
tail !  On  coming  nearer  I  saw  that  these  children  were 
old  men.  They  bore  the  wrinkles  of  several  centuries ; 
their  hearts  had  not  beaten  in  their  breasts  for  years  out 
of  mind  ;  and  they  discussed  questions  that  concerned 
the  blood  and  tears  of  the  world."  These  judgments 
were  not  far  from  right ;  for,  if  it  be  the  part  of  a  fool 
and  a  child  to  set  at  naught  the  spirit  of  the  age  and 
of  his  country,  no  Assembly — not  even  that  of  which 
M.  Quinet  spoke — better  deserved  the  charge  of  puerility 
and  folly,  than  that  by  which  Thiers  was  harassed.  But 
it  is  not  so  much  an  absence  of  good  sense  and  a  disre- 
gard of  public  opinion,  as  a  lack  of  dignity  and  contin- 
uity, that  strikes  one  most  forcibly  in  observing  the  con- 
duct of  this  Assembly. 

When  we  yield  to  necessity  it  should  be  done  with 

monarchists,  and  of  the  remainder,  no  less  than  fifty-eight  were  radical 
republicans. 

*  Quinet,  (1803-1875,)  author  and  radical  ;  deputy  in  1C48  ;  an  exile  dur- 
ing the  Empire  ;  deputy  from  1871  to  1875  ;  voluminous  contributor  to 
the  Revite  des  Deux  Mondes,  and  author  of  various  historical,  political  and 
critical  works. 


^T.  75.]  Thiers  s  Presidency.  237 

firmness.  This  is  as  true  in  politics  as  in  anything  else. 
Thiers  so  acted  under  the  Empire,  and  the  republican 
party  did  the  same,  opposing  the  Government  only  in  the 
name  of  a  self-evident  right  and  of  imprescriptible  prin- 
ciples. Nothing  of  this  kind  is  seen  in  the  attitude  of  the 
leaders  of  the  majority  under  this  "  principality,"  which, 
they  had  accepted,  and  which  was  not  forced  upon  them 
as  the  Empire  had  been  upon  Thiers  and  the  republican 
leaders.  At  every  instant  the  majority  brought  up  ques- 
tions which  it  dared  not  resolve,  and  raised  objections  which 
it  was  well  aware  it  could  not  defend.  It  knew  not  how 
to  patiently  champ  its  bit,  nor  to  carry  out  its  audacious 
machinations.  Such  a  course  redounded  to  the  detri- 
meftt  of  the  Majority.  The  motion  concerning  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Pope — which  has  already  been 
referred  to — was  an  act  suf^ciently  insane  to  destroy  a 
party  in  a  country  enjoying  free  speech  and  a  free  press ; 
and  M.  Dahirel,  by  trying  to  shut  the  tribune  against 
Thiers,  only  attested  the  power  of  his  words. 

The  opposition  shown  to  Thiers's  personal  views  con- 
cerning this  or  that  question,  demonstrated  more  forcibly 
than  ever  the  necessity  of  his  remaining  at  the  head  of 
affairs ;  for,  having  forced  him  into  a  corner,  the  reac- 
tionists would,  in  their  success,  fall  to  fighting  among 
themselves.  All  this  irritated  and  sometimes  roused  the 
indignation  of  Thiers.  But,  upon  the  whole,  he  profited 
by  it,  as  did  the  Republic  also.  The  nation  was  the  more 
impressed  with  the  importance  of  keeping  him  in  power, 


238  Life  of  Thiers.  [1872. 

and  he  himself  was  the  more  determined  to  preserve 
France  from  falling  into  such  hands. 

The  claimants  to  the  throne  of  France,  on  their  side, 
seemed  carried  away  by  the  prevailing  spirit  of  madness, 
and  either  fell  into  disrepute  or  abdicated.  The  Orleans 
princes — the  Duke  d'Aumale  and  the  Prince  de  Joinville 
— named  deputies,  having  promised  Thiers,  in  the  interest 
of  public  peace,  not  to  take  their  seats,  broke  their  word, 
and  were  admitted  to  the  Chamber  on  a  motion  made  by  a 
clerical  legitimist.  The  Count  de  Chambord,  the  legiti- 
mist heir,  -issued  manifesto  after  manifesto,  and  declared 
in  each  one  that  he  would  never  be  the  king  of  the  French 
Revolution  !  As  for  the  son  of  Napoleon  III,  he  guarded 
a  profound  silence,  and  seemed  to  be  buried  in  oblivion. 

But  what  aided  the  Government  much  more  than  the 
faults  and  follies  of  princes  and  parties,  what  strength- 
ened it  in  its  determination  to  proceed  from  a  provisional 
to  a  definitive  form,  was  its  own  wisdom,  and  its  rapid  pro- 
gress in  reconstructing  the  country.  For  all  the  difficul- 
ties thrown  in  its  way,  all  the  agitations  of  parliamentary 
life,  did  not  turn  the  Government  for  one  single  instant 
from  its  task  of  building  up  shattered  France. 

In  order  to  form  an  idea  of  the  activity  employed  by 
Thiers  in  governing,  in  reconstructing  the  country,  in  re- 
establishing the  finances,  in  remodeling  the  army,  in  pre- 
senting a  good  front  to  Europe  and  the  world,  we  must 
read  the  budget  for  1873  prepared  by  Thiers,  and  the 
speeches  that  he  made  in  support  of  it.     So  also  should  be 


jE-r.  75.]  Thiers  s   Presidejicy.  239 

studied  the  picture  that  he  painted  on  March  30th,  1872, 
of  the  condition  of  the  Government  and  the  country,  of 
the  progress  of  good  order,  of  the  esprit  dc  corps  of  the 
army,  "  which  considers  itself  to-day,"  he  said,  "  not 
the  army  of  this  or  that  faction,  but  the  army  of  the 
law,"  and  of  the  spirit  of  the  European  governments  and 
their  feelings  towards  France.  The  impression  that  one 
receives  in  looking  on  this  picture — but  a  few  outlines  of 
which  we  have  given — is  something  like  that  produced 
on  the  soul  by  a  calm  after  a  violent  tempest,  or  a  sudden 
and  powerful  regeneration  of  a  broken  and  ruined  mass. 

Republican  sentiment,  therefore,  was  growing  among 
the  people.  It  was  not  necessary  to  proclaim  the 
Republic  in  order  that  it  might  exist.  It  was  wel- 
comed for  its  works.  But  a  last  act  was  about  to  increase 
this  favorable  impression,  an  act  that  struck  the  public 
mind  as  a  victory,  and  thus  gave  another  decisive  advance 
to  the  republican  cause.  For  Thiers  had  not  neglected 
the  second  part  of  his  task — that  of  establishing  the  Re- 
public— any  more  than  he  had  the  first  part — that  of 
regenerating  the  country.  It  would  be  puerile,  however, 
to  say  that  he  governed  only  for  the  purpose  of  founding 
the  Republic ;  but  it  is  unquestionable,  that  his  design 
was  to  turn  the  successful  acts  of  the  Government  to  the 
profit  of  the  Republic  and  its  definitive  establishment. 

After  the  defeat  of  the  Commune,  Thiers  had  recourse 
to  national  credit  in  order  to  satisfy  the  more  press- 
ing demands  of  the  situation.     In  order  to  efface  the  last 


240  Life  of  Thiers.  [1870. 

traces  of  the  war  and  the  insurrection,  in  order  to  restore 
France  to  herself,  he  made  a  great  effort,  and  secured 
Bismarck's  consent  to  a  convention,  which  hastened  the 
evacuation  of  French  soil  by  the  German  army  by  nearly 
two  years,  France  to  anticipate  the  payments  of  the  w^r 
indemnities  agreed  upon  between  the  two  Powers.v/On 
July  2nd,  1872,  M.  de  Remusat,*  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  laid  the  convention  before  the  Assembly,  and 
asked  for  a  loan  of  seven  hundred  millions  of  dollars. 
The  Majority,  hostile  to  the  Government,  saw  the  blow 
that  would  be  dealt  it  by  this  successful  measure,  and  it 
did  not  possess  enough  sang-froid  or  dignity  to  conceal 
its  wrath.  In  the  first  place,  the  convention  was  attacked 
in  the  committees  by  such  leaders  of  the  Opposition  as 
the  Duke  deBroglie,  Buffet,t  Daru,:}:  Rouher,  etc.  They 
soon  changed  their  minds,  however,  when  they  saw  that 
public  opinion  was  rising  against  them,  and  the  Duke  de 
Broglie,  the  chairman  of  the  committee  to  which  the  con- 
vention was  referred,  reported  favorably  upon  it,  and  it 
was  ratified  on  July  6th,  1872.  The  Minister  of  the 
Finances  was  thus  authorized  to  negotiate  the  loan,  which 
was  announced  on  July  21st,  1872,  in  the  Journal  Officiel, 
and  two  weeks  thereafter  the  Government  obtained  not 

*  Count  de  Remusat,  (1797-1875),  friend  of  Thiers  in  the  July  Revolution 
(see  pp.  36  and  48);  liberal  statesman,  philosopher,  and  member  of  the 
French  Academy.      His  son,  M.  Paul  de  Remusat,  is  now  (1S78)  a  deputy. 

•f-M.    Buffet,  (1818  ),  has    held  since   1871   the    position   of  deputy. 

President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  Premier,  and  is  now  (1878)  a  life- 
senator. 

^:  Count  Daru,  (1807  ),  son  of  the  well-known  Count   Daru  of  the 

first  Empire  ;  Peer  of  France  in  1832  ;  deputy  in  1848  ;  and  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  for  a  short  time  under  Ollivier  in  1870. 


yET.  75.]  Thiers  s   Presidency.  241 

only  the  seven  hundred  millions  of  dollars  that  it  had 
asked  for,  but  over  seven  thousand  millions  in  addition ! 

The  effect  of  such  a  result  was  tremendous.  It  was 
not  only  amazing,  but  most  profoundly  touching.  The 
country  from  all  sides  sent  to  the  President  its  tokens  of 
grateful  acknowledgement.  It  was  also  remarked,  that 
the  only  opponents  of  the  Government  in  this  project, 
were  found  among  the  monarchists.  Thus  the  Republic 
was  again  benefited  by  Thiers's  ability  and  the  faults  of 
its  enemies. 

The  moment  was  therefore  arrived  to  take  up  the  sec- 
ond task,  that  of  giving  the  country  a  permanent  form 
of  government.  The  capability  of  the  Republic  as  a 
government  was  no  longer  doubtful.  The  desire  of 
the  country  was  evident ;  all  the  elections,  municipal,  de- 
partmental and  national,  gave  majorities  for  the  republi- 
can candidates.  The  end  of  the  provisional  government  was 
called  for  on  every  hand.  The  country  was  tired  of  the 
prevailing  incertitude.  The  people  longed  for  security 
after  so  many  trials,  and  they  hoped  to  find  it  in  the 
organization  of  a  definitive  government. 

The  Pact  of  Bordeaux,  furthermore,  clearly  demanded 
this,  for  it  had  in  view  two  objects :  the  reconstruction  of 
the  country,  first  in  the  matter  of  order,  and  secondly  by 
the  establishment  of  a  government.  The  first  of  these 
aims  was  attained.  The  second  remained  to  be  accom- 
pliqhfH  Rut  did  this  second  task  appertain  to  the  present 
Assembly,    or    to    a   new    one  to  be  elected?      On   this 


242  Life  of  Thiers.  [1872. 

point,  however,  the  Majority  and  the  Government  were 
agreed,  though  the  repubhcans  as  a  body  demanded  the 
dissolution  of  the  Assembly  and  the  election  of  a  new  one. 
Thiers  had  already  recognized  the  constituent  power  of 
the  Assembly,  and  he  had  no  idea  of  asking  it  to  re- 
nounce this  right.  He  even  preferred  perhaps  to  work 
with  this  Assembly,  than  to  run  the  risk  of  having  to  do 
with  a  younger  and  bolder  body,  in  which  he  might  en- 
counter greater  opposition,  not  only  to  the  government 
that  he  wished  to  found,  but  to  his  personal  views,  and  to 
the  plan  of  a  constitution  which  he  had  in  mind.  But 
as  regards  the  question  of  the  necessity  of  establishing  a 
government,  his  stand  was  irrevocably  taken,  and,  on  No- 
vember 13th,  1872,  in  a  message,  he  formally  demanded 
of  the  Assembly  that  it  pass  from  the  provisional  to  the 
definitive,  that  it  put  a  period  to  that  critical  state  of 
affairs  which  Gambetta  termed,  "  the  incertitude  of  the 
morrow."  * 

The  success  of  the  venture  was  very  uncertain.  Thiers 
had  calculated  all  the  chances.  He  had  against  him  the 
legitimists,  the  clericals,  the  Bonapartists,  under  the 
leadership  of  the  veteran  Rouher,  and  the  intriguing 
spirit  and  ambition  which  the  Triends  of  the  Orleans 
princes  employed,  with  the  expectation  of  realizing  their 
long  delayed  hopes.  But  he  had  for  him,  the  enlight- 
ened opinion  of  the  country  and  of  Europe,  and  the 
whole  republican   party,   which,   though    nettled    by  his 

*  Speech  in  the  Assembly  at  the  sitting  of  December  14th,  1872. 


^T.  75-] 


Thiers  s   Presidency.  243 


opposition  to  a  dissolution  of  the  Chamber,  was  ready 
to  back  him  on  this  question.  In  the  Majority  there  was 
a  faction  of  the  Right-Centre,  made  up  of  old  liberals 
favorable  to  the  constitutional  monarchy,  who  saw  that 
circumstances  demanded  the  Republic.  Here  perhaps 
lay  the  balance  of  power.  There  were,  therefore,  grounds 
for  hoping  that  reason  would  prevail.  Thiers,  conse- 
quently, thought  himself  able  to  meet  the  attack.  He 
began  the  struggle  by  the  message  just  referred  to,  a 
document,  which — to  use  the  words  of  Gambetta — "  made 
to  leap  the  heart  of  France,"  *  a  page  of  history  which 
can  be  placed  side  by  side  with  the  best  Thiers  ever  wrote. 


*  Speech  of  December  14th,  1872. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE   FALL   OF   THIERS. — MAY  24th,   1873. 

Thiers  says  in  the  History  of  the  Consulate  ajtd  Em- 
pire :  *  "  There  are  in  all  parties  two  divisions  :  one  large 
and  sincere,  that  can  be  gained  by  carrying  out  the  wishes 
of  the  people ;  the  other  small,  inflexible  and  factious, 
which  is  provoked  by  carrying  out  these  wishes,  and  is 
vexed  because  its  pretexts  for  existence  have  been  re- 
moved." 

Thiers  was  about  to  prove,  by  his  own  experience, 
the  truth  of  this  assertion.  The  greater  division,  spread 
through  the  nation,  had  been  easily  brought  over  to 
the  Republic,  because,  even  under  its  provisional  form, 
the  Republic  had  responded  to  the  desires  of  the 
country ;  but  the  other  division,  secreted  in  the  Assem- 
bly, the  inflexible  and  factious  division,  angry  because 
[  the  existence  of  the  phantoms  that  it  called  upon 
daily  was  in  danger — (for  Thiers's  message  had  shown 
the  groundlessness  of  the  feigned  or  real  fears  of  the 
conservatives)  —  furious  because  the  longings  of  the 
country  were  to  be  gratified,  determined  to  punish 
Thiers  for  having  pierced  the  bubble  of  their  pretensions. 

*  Vol.  IL,  page  172. 


JET.  75.]  77ie  Fall  of  Thiers.  245 

It  was  the  conservative  spirit  that  the  message  breathed, 
the  title  of  "  Conservative  Republic "  on  which  Thiers 
had  based  his  work,  as  on  a  rock,  that  troubled  them  the 
most.  For,  if  the  proposed  Republic  satisfied  the  con- 
servative spirit,  what  would  become  of  the  party  which 
pretended  to  alone  represent  this  spirit  ?  The  very  ground 
on  which  it  stood  was  taken  from  under  it.  The  bond, 
which  united  the  heterogeneous  elements  of  which  it  was 
composed,  was  broken  at  a  blow  before  the  eyes  of  the 
world. 

The  struggle  that  followed  is  one  of  the  most  curious, 
and  one  of  the  saddest  that  the  history  of  French  parties 
presents.  The  means,  the  acts,  the  passions  brought 
into  play,  are  marked  by  a  character  that  is  siii  generis, 
which  recalls  at  the  same  time  the  spirit  of  the  Lower 
Empire  and  of  China.  The  enterprise  was  not  only  sense- 
less and  wicked,  senseless  because  monarchy  was  impos- 
sible, wicked  because  it  prolonged  the  anxieties  of  the 
country  and  abandoned  it  to  the  unknown  future ;  but 
what  was  done  to  carry  out  the  undertaking,  reveals  a 
spirit  of  knavery  and  scepticism,  that  grieves  and  makes 
blush  the  patriot. 

Duke  Victor  dc  Broglic,  father  of  the  present  Duke 
Albert  de  Broglic,  has  written  in  his  book,  entitled  Views 
on  the  Government  of  France,  that  the  friends  of  consti- 
tutional monarchy,  ought,  if  circumstances  establish  the 
Republic,  to  accept  it  honestly,  and  wait  patiently  until 
the  course  of  events,  so  changeable  in  France,  produces  a 


246  Life   of  Thiers,  [1872. 

man  or  finds  a  prince  capable  of  founding  a  monarchy.* 
This  idea — though  entirely  perverted — was  the  pivot 
on  which  turned  the  policy  of  the  Right  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  Duke  Albert  de  Broglie.  In  the  mind  of  the 
father,  it  implied  an  honest  treatment  of  the  Republic,  not 
a  Machiavelian  opposition  to  whomsoever  wished  to  try 
republicanism.  To  the  son  it  had  become  a  system  of 
government.  The  father  held  that  the  situation  of  affairs, 
whence  was  to  issue  a  constitutional  monarchy,  must  be 
quietly  awaited.  The  son,  believed  that  it  should  be 
forced  forward,  that  it  should  be  sought  by  every  possi- 
ble means,  that  violence  should  be  employed  if  events 
did  not  naturally  so  shape  themselves,  as  to  favor  the 
realization  of  the  preconceived  idea. 

The  whole  policy  of  the  Duke  de  Broglie,  from  Febru- 
ary 8th,  1 87 1,  up  to  the  day  of  Thiers's  overthrow,  is  ex- 
plained on  this  ground.  For  a  moment  Thiers  had  been 
looked  to  for  the  realization  of  the  conception  of  the  old 
duke.  But  he  had  refused  the  role.  When  pressed  by  the 
Orleans  princes — Joinville  and  Aumale — to  restore  the 
July  Monarchy,  he  politely  declined  in  their  presence,  and 
remarked  to  Madame  Thiers  after  their  departure  :  "  These 
young  fellows,  I  know  them,  do  I  not  ?  Always  for  them- 
selves ;  themselves  first ;  the  country  afterwards.  When 
I  served  their  father,  I  did  not  serve  his  fortune — I  served 
France.  I  greatly  respect  the  memory  of  the  king,  but 
his  children's  affairs  are  not  those  of  the  country.     They 

*    Vues  sur  le  Gouvernenunt  de  la  France,  pp.  226-7. 


^T.  75.]  The  Fall  of  Thiers.  247 

have  too  often  confounded  the  two ;  but  I  do  not  con- 
found them.  These  princes  wish  me  to  become  Orleanist 
again;  but  I  desire  to  act  for  the  good  of  my  country."* 
Thiers,  therefore,  had  to  be  gotten  rid  of,  and 
government  plunged  into  confusion.  For  might  not  a 
more  pliant  man  thus  be  found,  a  tractable  agent,  who, 
if  he  vould  not  bring  about  a  constitutional  monarchy  in 
a  day,  would  pave  the  way  for  it,  until  time,  amid  its  in- 
finite vicissitudes,  should  smile  upon  the  realization  of 
the  paternal  conception  ?  Thiers,  however,  was  not  to 
be  easil}  broken  down,  though  he  was  not,  at  the  same 
time,  impregnable.  Though  the  Rivet  Constitution  gave 
him  the  nght  to  hold  office  as  long  as  the  Assembly 
lasted,  he  ^lould  voluntarily  resign,  and  his  inclination  so 
to  do  couli  be  easily  increased.  He  was  weary,  and  he 
had  the  hi^est  respect  for  the  law  of  majorities,  which 
had  been  the  ruling  principle  of  his  whole  political  life. 
To  drive  hin  from  power,  it  was  only  necessary  to  con- 
tinually harjBs  him,  and  to  force  him  into  a  situation, 
where  he  wiuld  have  to  choose  between  this  life-long 
principle  and  the  Rivet  Constitution.  Such  a  situation, 
consequently,  was  to  be  brought  about,  and  a  majority — 
decisive  for  tie  moment — was  to  be  found.  This  was 
the  plan  of  tie  Duke  de  Broglie,  the  final  success  of 
which  the  remander  of  this  chapter  will  show. 

It  is  only  necessary  to  follow  attentively  the  debate  on 
the  message,  to  discover  at  every  turn  the  plan  of  attack 

*  Mrs.  Emily  CrawDrd  in  Macmillan's  Magazine,  November,  1877,  p.  24. 


248  Life  of  Thiers.  [is^a. 

that  we  have  just  indicated.  The  struggle  began  by  a 
manoeuvre  which  was  not  wanting  in  cleverness.  As  the 
Republic  could  only  stand  by  a  union  of  all  the  factions 
of  the  republican  party  in  the  Assembly,  an  attempt 
was  made  to  embroil  Thiers  with  Gambetta,  who  repre- 
sented the  advanced  portion  of  the  republican  party, 
baptized  under  the  name  of  the  radical  party,  atid,  at 
the  same  time,  to  frighten  the  moderate  Left-Cei/tre  by 
visions  of  the  "  red  spectre."  The  attempt  failed^at  least 
for  the  moment.  Though  Thiers  did  not  ap!irove  of 
many  of  Gambetta's  more  radical  utterance^  he  was 
very  careful  not  to  break  with  the  strong  /arty  that 
Gambetta  represented,  and,  on  the  other  haid,  he  did 
all  he  could  to  dispel  the  real  or  pretended/fears,  that 
these  speeches  gave  rise  to  among  the  moffi  moderate 
republicans.  / 

Thiers,  in  the  course  of  the  debate,  defied  rie  monarch- 
ists to  found  a  monarchy.  The  Duke  de  Brogle  responded 
to  this  challenge  by  trying  to  make  Thiers  jfimself  a  con- 
stitutional monarch.  He  caused  the  committee,  to  which 
had  been  referred  the  message  of  Novepber  13th,  to 
propose  a  law  concerning  ministerial  responsibility.  This 
was  equivalent  to  putting  the  Governmentin  the  hands  of 
the  Majority,  that  is  to  say,  the  Monarihy,  and  giving 
full  scope  to  the  intriguers  who  were /working  for  it. 
Thiers  replied  by  substituting  for  the  mdlsure  that  would 
bind  him  hand  and  foot,  the  following  Proposition :  "  A 
Committee  of  Thirty  shall  be  appointfil  by  the  various 


^-'  75-1  ^^^^  /vz//  of    Thiers.  249 

parties,  to  draw  up  a  law  to  be  presented  to  the  Assem- 
bly, fixing  the  powers  of  the  different  branches  of  govern- 
ment, and  the  conditions  of  ministerial  responsibility." 

This  was  the  question  so  dreaded  by  the  Majority, 
which,  by  a  skillful  move,  the  Government  thus  brought 
forward  and  forced  upon  its  deliberations.  Instead  of  an 
under-handed  thrust,  Thiers  gave  a  direct  and  open  blow, 
that  conformed  to  the  demands  of  the  situation  and  to 
the  dignity  of  his  Government.  The  Duke  de  Broglie's 
motion  affected  Thiers  and  his  ministers  alone;  Thiers's 
proposition  would  regulate  the  powers  of  the  Assembly, 
as  well  as  the  powers  of  the  President  and  his  ministers, 
would,  in  short,  establish  a  permanent  government,  the 
very  thing  the  monarchists  did  not  want.  So  the  com- 
mittee sustained  the  measure  of  the  duke. 

It  was  November  28th,  1872,  and  public  opinion  was  at 
a  high  pitch  of  excitement.  The  enlightened  and  im- 
partial portion  of  the  country  demanded  what  Thiers  also 
wished,  a  permanent  government.  Ministerial  responsibil- 
ity, in  the  eyes  of  the  country  as  in  the  eyes  of  Thiers,  was 
only  one  of  the  elements  of  the  great  problem  The 
people  longed  to  put  a  period  to  this  state  of  affairs.  In 
order  to  meet  this  demand,  M.  Dufaure,  the  Minister  of 
Justice,  brought  forward  the  above-mentioned  proposition 
of  the  Government,  and  on  November  29th,  1 872,  he  began 
the  debate  Thiers  came  to  his  support  with  his  usual 
talent,  aVid  again  baffled  the  calculations  of  his  enemies. 
He  had  no  difficulty  in  showing  that  the  proposition  of 


25o  Life  of  Thiers.  [1872-73. 

the  Majority — offered  under  a  parliamentary  mask — was 
simply  a  stealthy  personal  attack.  M.  Dufaure's  propo- 
sition, which,  as  we  have  said,  had  for  its  object  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  government,  and  which  de- 
voted to  the  question  of  ministerial  responsibility,  in  the 
general  problem,  only  as  much  attention  as  properly  be- 
longed to  it,  was  adopted  and  referred  to  the  proposed 
Committee  of  Thirty. 

In  spite  of  this  new  check,  the  monarchists  did  not 
consider  themselves  lost.  The  bill  was  carried  by  only 
thirty-seven  majority.  These  thirty-seven  deputies  could 
be  influenced.  There  are  in  all  parties  timid,  change- 
able and  corruptible  consciences.  The  reference  of  the 
bill  to  the  Committee  of  Thirty  gave  them  time  to  be 
worked  upon. 

It  would  be  too  long  to  enter  into  the  details  of  the 
vast  intrigue,  whose  threads  end  in  the  Committee  of 
Thirty,  and  w^iose  object  was  the  overthrow  of  Thiers. 
We  can  only  touch  upon  its  principal  phases.  Thiers, 
planting  himself  on  his  message,  presented  a  bold  front 
to  the  committee. 

The  committee  was  appointed  on  December  5th,  1872. 
Thiers  appeared  before  it  on  December  i6th,  spoke  for 
a  long  time  with  much  good  sense  and  ability,  and  con- 
cluded by  saying,  "  that  the  best  thing  to  do  is  to  con- 
solidate what  exists."  On  his  second  appearance  before 
the  committee,  on  January  14th,  1873,  he  limited  his  re- 
marks to  some  general  observations  concerning  a  counter- 


^T.  75-76.]  ^^^  Fall  of  Thiers.  25 1 

project  of  a  conciliatory  nature,  offered  by  M.  Tallon.* 
Finally,  on  February  5th,  1873,  in  an  examination  of  this 
whole  project  of  M,  Tallon,  in  which  his  critics  were 
not  spared,  he  devoted  his  attention  more  especially  to 
the  inconvenience  and  absurdity  of  the  article,  which 
regulated  the  conditions  and  the  forms  to  be  observed 
in  the  communications  of  the  President  with  the  Assem- 
bly. The  article  required  that  the  President  communi- 
cate with  the  Assembly  by  messages ;  that  he  be  heard 
when  he  thinks  it  proper,  and  after  the  presentation  of  a 
necessary  message ;  that  debate  be  suspended  when  he 
speaks  on  a  question  ;  that  he  be  heard  again  on  the 
next  day,  unless  a  special  vote  give  him  permission  to 
speak  on  the  same  day  ;  that  there  be  an  adjournment 
after  his  speech ;  that  debate  be  resumed  only  at  a  sub- 
sequent sitting;  that  the  debate  take  place  out  of  his 
presence,  etc. 

"  All  this  is  very  complicated,"  said  Thiers.  "  Permit 
me  to  say  that  in  following  it,  we  shall  resemble  the  Chi- 
nese, who,  on  solemn  occasions  make  polite  salutations, 
which  those  thus  honored  return  as  they  show  them  out. 
Then  the  latter  come  back,  and  the  same  politeness  is 
repeated.  Surely  this  proposition  is  not  put  forward  in 
earnest." 

No,  in  truth  it  was  not  in  earnest,  but  the  following 
remark  of  M.  Dufaure,  made  on  February  7th,  1873,  before 
the  committee,  was  really  in  earnest.    The  article  relating 

♦Tallon,  (1828  ),   republican  politician    and  journalist;   became   a 

deputy  in  1S71,  and  is  still  (1878)  a  member  of  the  Chamber. 


252  Life  of  Thiers.  [1873. 

to  the  establishment  of  two  Chambers  and  the  revision  of 
the  electoral  laws,  was  being  discussed.  M.  Dufaure  read 
an  amendment  which  had  been  drawn  up  by  the  minis- 
ters, in  which  it  was  urged  that  "  without  delay"  special 
laws  be  passed,  concerning  the  composition  and  manner 
of  electing  a  new  Assembly  in  place  of  the  one  then  in 
existence,  concerning  the  organization  of  the  executive 
power,  etc.  The  words  "  without  delay"  fell  on  the  ears 
of  the  Majority  like  a  funeral  knell,  as  was  remarked  by 
one  of  its  members.  The  legitimists  and  Orleanists  of 
the  Majority  knew  very  well  that  they  would  not  be 
returned,  if  a  new  election  were  to  occur,  and  they  did 
not  wish  to  disappear  from  the  political  arena.  The 
Government  had  regard  for  this  weakness,  effaced  the 
objectionable  words,  and  a  sort  of  accord  was  established. 
On  February  19th,  1873,  the  committee  ^opted,  with 
slight  modifications,  M.  Dufaure's  amendment,  by  a  vote 
of  nineteen  to  seven,  and  the  question  of  a  constlttttion 
was  finally  brought  before  the  Chamber. 

Thiers  said  one  day  in  a  circle  of  friends :  "  I  assure 
you  that  a  majority  —  what  is  called  a  majority  in 
parliamentary  language — I  never  had  for  one  minute  in 
the  Assembly  elected  on  February  8th,  1871 — an  incon- 
gruous body  composed  of  monarchical  factions.  I  made 
successive  majorities  for  every  important  and  necessary 
question.  You '  have  blamed  me  for  not  having  estab- 
lished the  Republic  quickly  enough.  I  took  up  the  most 
important  thing  first :    I  made  haste  to  free  French  soil 


^T.  76.]  The  Fall  of  Thiers.  253 

from  foreign  troops  before  I  should  be  overthrown,  and 
so  be  too  late." 

Thiers  here  refers  to  the  time  which  preceded  the  lay- 
ing before  the  Chamber  of  the  question  of  a  constitution. 
Then  it  was  that  these  majorities,  the  product  of  chance 
and  necessity,  began  to  fail   him.     It  was  a  fatal  situa- 
tion.    The    Committee  on  the    Constitution — the   Com- 
mittee   of    Thirty — did    not    resist    Thiers    very    stoutly 
to    his    face,   satisfied  to  make  up  behind  his  back   and 
by    increased   hostility  in  the  Chamber,  for  the  conces- 
sions   made  through    timidity,    decorum    or    calculation. 
But    even    if   a    majority    of    the    committee    had    been 
sincere    in    the    concessions    made    in    private,  could  the 
Orleanist   leaders — when   the  question   came  up   for  dis- 
cussion  before    the    Assembly — have   been    induced,  by 
argument    or    patriotism,  to    recognize    the    necessity  of 
establishing    the    Republic,   when    they   saw    that    they 
would    not  be  followed    by  the  legitimists,  or  even    by 
their  own  rank  and  file  ?     In  order  that  these  men — and 
we  are  speaking  of  the  more  intelligent  portion  of  the 
Orleanist  party — might  grasp  the  actual  state  of  affairs,  it 
was  necessary  that  they  see  with  their  own  eyes  the  check 
of  the  monarchical  fusion — the  legitimist,  Orleanist  and 
Bonapartist    combination,  the   failure  of  the    Septcnnat  * 
to  bring  about  a  monarchial  restoration  as  they  had  hoped, 
the   impotence  of  their  ministerial  chiefs  against  growing 

*  In  November,    1873,  the  National  Assembly  prolonged  MacMahon's 
term  of  office  to  seven  years. 


254  Life  of  Thiers.  [187s. 

republicanism,  and,  in  a  word,  that  the  cycle  of  their  mis- 
conceptions, which  began  after  the  fall  of  Thiers,  on  May 
24th,  1873,  be  completed.  All  these  lessons  were  taught 
them  by  the  events  which  followed  the  downfall  of  Thiers. 

The  reception  of  the  report  of  the  Committee  of 
Thirty  by  the  Assembly  proved,  that  even  if  the  com- 
mittee had  been  honest  in  its  concessions,  the  Chamber 
would  not  have  backed  it.  The  Duke- de  Broglie  as 
chairman,  presented  the  report  on  February  21st,  1873. 
He  was  only  applauded  by  the  Right-Centre,  composed 
of  the  more  liberal  monarchists.  And  the  duke  himself, 
he  who  had  devised  the  intrigue,  who  had  conducted  all 
its  operations,  and  who,  from  the  beginning,  had  endeav- 
ored to  veil  its  real  purposes,  was  not  able,  throughout 
the  whole  debate,  to  hold  the  ground  he  had  decided  to 
stand  upon.  On  February  28th,  1873,  in  answer  to  a 
speech  of  Gambetta  against  the  report,  he  could  not  re- 
strain himself  from  saying :  "  We  will  not  rally  around 
the  Republic,  but  around  the  Commonwealth."* 

The  debate  continued  fifteen  days,  from  February  27th 
to  March  13th,  1873.  Thiers  was  placed  in  a  very  false 
situation.  The  Committee  of  Thirty  had  yielded  only  in 
appearance.  A  part  of  the  Left  was  opposed  to  the  idea 
of  two  Chambers,  which  he  had  favored  in  concert  with  the 
committee,  and  was  not  willing  that  the  existing  Assem- 
bly decide  upon  a  constitution  for  the  country.     The  Left 

*  Nous  nous  rallierons  non  pas  a  la  Republique,  mais  a  la  chose  pub- 
lique. 


^T.  76.]  The  Fall  of  Thiers.  255 

held  that  this  Assembly  had  been  elected  in  187 1  to  choose 
between  war  or  peace  with  Prussia ;  that  it  did  not  repre- 
sent the  opinions  of  France  in  1873,  and  so  was  not  fitted 
to  determine  what  the  government  of  the  country  should 
be.  To  get  out  of  the  difificulty,  and  accomplish  the 
liberation  of  the  country  from  the  German  occupation, 
Thiers  had  recourse  to  the  Pact  of  Bordeaux,  on  the 
one  hand,  thus  satisfying  the  Right,  which  wished  to  pro- 
long the  provisional  state  of  the  government;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  he  declared,  in  order  to  please  the  Left, 
which  desired  to  put  an  end  to  this  provisional  govern- 
ment, but  by  another  Assembly,  that  dissolution  should 
forthwith  follow  the  liberation  of  the  territory,  thus  giving 
all  parties  to  understand  that  the  constituent  power  of  the 
Assembly,  however  incontestable  it  might  be,  should  not 
be  exercised.  It  was  only  by  these  concessions,  which 
neutralized  each  other,  and  which  were  only  justified  in 
his  eyes  by  a  patriotic  anxiety  for  the  deliverance  of 
French  soil,  that  he  succeeded  in  securing  a  majority. 
The  bill  reported  by  the  committee  was  adopted  March 
13th,  1873,  by  a  vote  of  407  to  225. 

It  was  another  victory,  apparently  very  great,  but  in 
reality  very  small.  Nobody  was  deceived  by  it.  The 
Duke  de  Broglie  was  working  secretly  to  pervert  the  law, 
which  he  had  proposed,  from  the  Republic  to  "  the  Com- 
monwealth," constructing  in  his  mind  out  of  this  preten- 
tious and  puerile  conceit  a  machine  of  war,  to  be  used  first 
against  Thiers,  and  then  to  undermine  the  essay  at  a  re- 


2  56  Life  of  Thiers.  [1873. 

public,  which  Thiers  wished  to  make  a  success.  By  this 
means  the  duke  hoped  to  pave  the  way  for  a  monarchy, 
or  for  something  resembling  a  monarchy.  This  was 
not  a  difficult  task ;  for,  to  accomplish  it,  there  was 
only  needed  a  firm  and  decisive  majority,  which  would 
not  be  frightened  at  the  uncertainty  always  occasioned 
in  timid  minds  by  the  thought  of  the  absence  of  executive 
power.  The  interval  of  the  recess — from  April  to  the 
beginning  of  May — was  employed  in  getting  together  this 
majority,  and  in  finding  a  man  fitted  by  ambition  or  intel- 
ligence to  lend  himself  to  the  scheme,  and  to  dare  to 
take  the  place  of  the  deposed  "  sinister  old  man,"  as 
Thiers's  enemies  at  this  epoch  designated  him. 

At  this  moment  an  event  happened  which,  it  would 
seem,  ought  to  have  arrested  the  movement,  but  which 
in  fact  only  precipitated  it.  On  March  i6th,  1873,  the 
Journal  Officiel  published  a  note  which  announced  that 
French  soil  would  be  entirely  free  by  September  5th, 
that  is  to  say,  nearly  two  years  before  the  stipulated 
time.  The  effect  of  this  news  was  immense  throughout 
all  France.  In  the  Assembly,  M.  Christophle,*^f  the  Left- 
Centre,  moved  that  a  vote  of  thanks  be  offered  Thiers 
by  acclamation.  The  Majority  refused  to  thank  him  by 
acclamation,  seeing  what  increased  authority  this  great 
stroke  of  policy  was  to  give  the  President,  and  what  a  de- 
cisive check  it  might  prove  to  the  monarchical  hopes  of 

*Christophle,  (1830  ),  jurisconsult  and  republican  politician;  Min- 
ister of  Public  Works  in  1876  ;  and  deputy  since  1871. 


^.T.  76.]  The  Fall  of  Thiers.  257 

the  Chamber.  Under  the  influence  of  such  unworthy  feel- 
ings, the  Majority  higgled  over  a  recognition  of  its  acknowl- 
edgement, and  claimed  a  part  in  the  work,  thus  doing  a 
double  wrong,  for — as  Gambetta  himself  once  admitted 
to  us — nobody  but  Thiers  could  have  obtained  such  a 
result,  and  the  Assembly  had  assisted  him  only  in  so  far 
as  it  was  forced  to.  This  action  was  also  unfortunate,  be- 
cause, since  it  increased  Thiers's  reputation  and  diminished 
the  number  of  his  enemies,  the  intriguers  saw  that  they 
must  make  haste  to  destroy  him,  or  that  the  time  would 
come  when  they  would  not  be  able  to  do  it.  The  country 
fully  recognized  the  merit  of  the  great  work,  and  in  pro- 
portion as  it  admired  Thiers,  it  hated  a  selfish  Assembly, 
which,  to  its  other  faults,  now  added  that  of  ingratitude. 
This  feeling  showed  itself  in  the  supplementary  elections, 
which  were  frequent,  and  which  would  soon  give  the 
party  that  favored  a  dissolution  a  majority  in  the  Assem- 
bly, and  thus  put  a  period  to  the  monarchical  plots.  It 
was,  therefore,  decided  that  Thiers  should  be  overturned 
at  any  price,  and  so  soon  as  possible. 

An  unforseen  incident — doubtless  pre-arranged  by  the 
Duke  de  Broglie's  followers — gave  new  strength  and 
encouragement  to  the  intriguers.  M.  Gr^vy,  President 
of  the  Assembly,  wounded  by  an  appeal  from  a  decision 
of  the  chair,  concerning  a  call  to  order  which  had  been 
justly  inflicted  on  a  member  of  the  Right,  handed  in  his 
resignation,  which,  though  not  accepted  by  the  depu- 
ties,   he   insisted    upon,    because  he  did   aot,  think    the 


2  58  Life  of  Thiers.  [1873. 

vote  large  enough.  It  was  a  grave  symptom  of  the  state 
of  mind  in  the  Assembly,  not  only  among  the  members 
of  the  Majority,  but  also  among  the  supporters  of 
the  Government.  The  audacity  of  the  attacking  party  in- 
creased, while  the  defense  became  weaker.  M.  Buffet, 
one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  intrigue,  replaced  M.  Grevy  as 
President  of  the  Assembly.  The  intrigue  was  sure  of 
the  floating  group  placed  between  the  two  Centres,  after- 
wards known  under  the  name  of  the  Target*  Group,  and 
also  of  the  connivance  of  Marshal  MacMahon.  Every- 
thing was  prepared  for  the  decisive  day. 

We  have  spoken  elsewhere  of  Thiers's  Waterloo. f  His 
real  Waterloo  was  that  of  May  24th,  1873.  The  resem- 
blance is  perfect,  even  in  its  treason.  Thiers  came  upon 
the  battle  field  resolved  to  fight  to  the  bitter  end.  He 
was  not  ignorant  of  the  design  of  his  enemies,  since  they 
had  urged  him  the  night  before,  to  aid  them  in  a  mon- 
archical restoration.  He  also  knew  their  plan  of  battle : 
their  newspapers  had  declared  that  it  was  a  question  of 
protecting  conservative  interests.  In  order  to  destroy 
the  force  of  this  argument,  not  in  the  minds  of  those 
who  had  invented  it — this  was  of  course  impossible — but 
in  the  minds  of  the  people,  he  selected  a  ministry  whose 
conservative  spirit  it  was  impossible  to  deny.  The  pre- 
ceding ministry  was  dissolved  on  the  occasion  of  a  speech 

*  M.  Target  was  a  liberal  monarchist  who  figured  in  the  first  Assembly  of 
the  present  Republic, 
f  See  page  i88. 


^.itt.  76.]  The  Fall  of  Thiers.  269 

at  the  Sorbonne  *  by  M.  Jules  Simon,  who,  referring  to 
the  liberation  of  France  from  the  Prussian  soldiers,  at- 
tributed the  honor  to  Thiers  alone.  It  was  replaced 
May  1 8th,  1873,  by  a  ministry  selected  from  the  Left- 
Centre,  in  which  Casimir  P^rier,  Waddington,  f  and 
Berenger  %  had  portfolios. 

The  names,  the  antecedents,  and  the  social  position  of 
the  new  ministers  would  have  satisfied  the  most  timid 
members  of  the  Right,  had  they  not  been  determined  to  be 
frightened.  Some  of  them,  however,  were  possessed  of  an 
honest  fear.  A  deputy  of  the  Majority,  to  whom,  on 
this  very  24th  of  May,  we  expressed  the  regret  that  they 
did  not  wait  at  least  until  the  Prussians  had  gone,  before 
beginning  the  struggle,  said  to  us  naively  and  seriously : 
"  We  have  other  things  to  think  of  than  the  Prussians ; 
we  have  worse  enemies  than  they."  But  such  was  the 
feverish  state  of  the  minds  of.  the  deputies,  that,  on  the 
very  day  of  the  re-assembling  of  the  Chamber  after  the 
Easter  holidays,  May  19th,  1873,  M.  Buffet,  President  of 
the  Assembly,  presented  a  communication — an  "  interpel- 
lation " — drawn   up   by  the  Right  in  these  terms :    "  The 

*  The  Sorbonne  is  the  historic  centre  of  Paris  university  learning.  Here 
are  the  faculties  of  science,  letters  and  theology,  and  here  also  occur  the  great 
university  ceremonies. 

f  Waddington,  (1826  ),   a  naturalized  Frenchman,  born  at  Paris  of 

English  parents  and  educated  at  Cambridge  :  made  a  member  of  the  Acad- 
emy of  Inscriptions  and  Belles-lettres  in  1869,  on  account  of  his  profound 
study  of  numismatics  ;  entered  politcs  in  1871  as  a  republican  deputy  ;  Min- 
ister of  Public  Instruction  in  1873  ;  elected  senator  in  1876  ;  and  to-day 
(1878)  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

X  Berenger,  (1830 ),  advocate  and  conservative  republican  ;  deputy  and 

minister  under  the  present  republic  ;  and  now  {1878)  life-senator. 


26o  Life  of  Thiers.    ■  [1873. 

undersigned,  convinced  that  the  gravity  of  the  situation 
demands  at  the  head  of  public  affairs  a  cabinet  whose 
firmness  will  assure  the  country,  desire  to  question  the 
ministry  concerning  the  modifications  made  in  its  opin- 
ions, and  to  demand  that  the  Government  pursue  a  policy 
that  is  resolutely  conservative." 

Hostilities  thus  begun,  the  signers  of  this  interpella- 
tion, impatient  of  a  success,  which  they  considered  as 
certain,  wished  to  precipitate  the  battle  immediately.  M. 
Dufaure  said  that  the  Government  was  taken  by  surprise, 
and  asked  time  to  deliberate.  He  then  laid  before  the 
Chamber  the  bills  concerning  the  organization  of  the 
different  branches  of  the  Government  and  the  creation  of 
a  second  Chamber.  The  Right  and  the  Right-Centre 
refused  to  allow  the  bills  to  be  read,  and  a  sitting  and 
standing  vote — both  equally  doubtful — were  decided  in 
their  favor.  Thiers  was  now  certain  of  his  fate.  All  that 
remained,  was  to  fall  with  honor. 

The  Extreme-Left  has  been  accused  of  fanning  the 
flames  by  a  resolution  of  M.  Peyrat,*  which  would  force 
the  Assembly,  after  a  delay  of  fifteen  days,  to  vote  its 
dissolution.  We  do  not  think  the  accusation  very  grave. 
This  movement  could  not  have  had  any  influence  on  the 
Right,  which  was  well  aware  that  if  it  were  vanquished, 
a  dissolution  would  follow  in  the  natural  course  of  events. 
Its  plan  was  distinctly  marked  out,  and  was  irrevocable. 

*Peyrat  (1812  ),  publicist  and  radical  polilician  ;  deputy  since  1871  ; 

and  now  (1878)  senator. 


JET.  76.]  T/ie  Fcill  of  Thiers.  261 

Its  majority  was  sure.  This  was  seen  by  the  re-election 
of  M.  Buffet  to  the  presidency  of  the  Assembly,  for  he 
gained  fifty-five  votes  over  the  first  election.  The  Orlean- 
ists  and  the  legitimists  were  united  for  the  work  of  de- 
struction in  the  name  of  conservative  principles,  and 
nothing,  at  this  moment,  could  tighten  or  loosen  the 
knots  that  bound  this  coalition  together. 

The  same  day,  M.  Dufaure  announced  that  the  Govern- 
ment would  reply  on  Friday,  May  23d,  to  the  questions 
asked  by  the  Majority.     Though  the  public  longed  for  an 
end   to  the  struggle,  it  did  not  see  the  crisis  draw  near 
without  anxiety.     All  Paris  was  in  a  state  of  solicitude. 
At  an  early  hour  of    the  23d,  Versailles  began  to  show 
signs    of    more   than    usual    animation.     The   Assembly 
Chamber  was  filled.     Thiers's  family  occupied  the  presi- 
dential box.     Marshal  Mac-Mahon,  in  civilian  dress,  was 
present,  as  mute  and  unmoved  as  a  sphinx.     A  group  of 
officers   in   uniform  surrounded  him.     The  whole  diplo- 
matic corps  was  there.     Thiers  was  seated  on  the  govern- 
ment bench,  anxious  not  for  himself,  but  for  the  country, 
which   his  fall   might  afflict  with  new  troubles.     At  the 
beginning  of  the   sitting,  M.  Dufaure  informed  the  As- 
sembly that  the  President  intended  to  exercise  his  right 
of  speaking.    Then  the  Duke  de  Broglie  took  the  tribune, 
in  order  to  develop  the  questions  addressed  to  the  Gov- 
ernment.    The  speeches  of    M.   Dufaure  and  the  Duke 
de  Broglie  filled  up  the  whole  sitting  of  May  23d.     The 
latter  was  one   long  harangue,  a  labored  and  passionate 


'262  Life   of  TJiiers.  [1873. 

development  of  one  single  accusation  presented  under  a 
multitude  of  different  forms,  namely,  that  Thiers  had  too 
much  regard  for  the  radical  party,  and  that  his  alliance  with 
this  party  disturbed  the  conservatives ;  the  former — the 
speech  of  M.  Dufaure — was  a  rapid  and  energetic  refuta- 
tion of  the  accusation,  sharpened  with  irony,  which  closed 
with  the  declaration,  that  the  power  of  the  radical  party — 
about  which  the  Majority  made  such  great  ado- — -was  one 
of  the  very  reasons  why  he  and  his  friends  wished  a  fixed 
government,  and  had  presented  to  the  consideration  of 
the  Assembly  constitutional  laws  that  would  bring  this 
about.  "  We  presented  them  in  all  honesty,"  he  said. 
"  We  were  ready  to  declare  to  you  that,  if  you  did  not 
grant  what  we  demanded,  namely,  the  recognition  of  the 
republican  government,  we  would  not  feel  ourselves  any 
longer  responsible  for  order  in  the  country." 

Social  danger  was  only  used  as  a  pretext  by  the  Duke 
de  Broglie,  as  Thiers  the  next  day  clearly  showed,  while 
he  brought  the  question  back  to  its  true  ground,  that  of 
politics.  Thiers's  speech — one  of  the  most  remarkable 
he  ever  made — was  at  the  same  time  a  comprehensive  re- 
trospective review  of  the  two  years  of  his  presidency  so  full 
of  grand  efforts,  a  vigorous  apology  for  his  policy  which  was 
ever  sincere  in  its  declarations,  loyal  in  its  acts,  conserva- 
tive in  the  loftiest  sense,  unmerciful  to  the  disorderly, 
moderate,  impartial,  with  no  other  aim  than  the  sacred 
performance  of  the  engagements  entered  into  by  the 
President    in    accepting    ofifice.      Then,    in   closing,    he 


^Et.  76]  The  Fall  of  Thiers.  263 

turned  upon  the  Duke  de  Broglie  and  pierced  him  through 
and  through  with  the  arrows  of  his  fine  and  mordant 
irony. 

The  Duke  de  Broglie — in  a  passage  of  his  speech  not 
happily  inspired — not  content  with  blaming  Thiers  for 
his  admiration  of  the  radical  party,  went  so  far  as  to 
predict  for  him  a  disastrous  end.  Thiers  replied  by  a 
more  appropriate  prophecy,  which  was  realized  two 
years  later,  on  the  day  when  the  Duke  de  Broglie  was 
named  senator  by  his  department.*  "  We  have  been 
told,"  said  Thiers,  "  with  a  tenderness  that  has  touched 
me  deeply,  that  our  fate  is  to  be  pitied,  that  we  are  going 
to  become  proteges.  Whose  proteges  ?  The  protege's 
of  radicalism  !  A  sad  end  has  been  predicted  for  me.  I 
have,  with  eyes  open,  run  this  risk  more  than  once  in 
doing  my  duty,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  I  have  done  it 
for  the  last  time.  *  *  *  I  thank  the  orator  for  his  com- 
passionate sentiments,  and  hope  he  will  permit  me  to  re- 
turn the  compliment,  and  to  tell  him  that  I  pity  him 
too.  He  will  no  longer  have  a  majority  any  more  than 
we ;  and  he,  too,  will  be  a  protc'g^;  he  is  to  have  a  pro- 
tector v/hom  the  old  Duke  de  Broglie  would  have  spurned 
with  disgust ;  he  will  be  \\\e  protege  of  the  Empire  !" 

Great  and  prolonged  excitement  followed  this  speech. 

It    made    an    immense    impression.       Many    republicans 

began  to  count  on   victory,  which  could   not  have  been 

doubtful,  if  it  had  been  given   to  the  side  that  had  dis- 

*  The  duke  owed  his  election  to  Bonapaitist  votes. 


264  Life  of  Thiers.  [1873. 

played  the  greatest  good  sense  and  eloquence.  But  all 
was  pre-arranged.  The  Right  had  in  the  morning  favored 
an  order  of  the  day,  requesting  the  President  to  change 
his  policy  and  ministry,  and  thus  surrender  to  the  Duke 
de  Broglie,  and  put  himself  at  the  mercy  of  the  Majority. 

According  to  the  terms  of  the  law  of  the  Committee  of 
Thirty,  the  morning  session  was  brought  to  a  close  im- 
mediately after  Thiers  had  finished  his  speech,  and  the 
continuation  of  the  debate  was  postponed  to  the  next 
session,  which  was  fixed  for  two  o'clock  P.M.,  of  the  same 
day. 

M.  Casimir  Perier,  Minister  of  the  Interior,  spoke  for 
the  new  cabinet,  and  replied  in  proper  and  sometimes 
bitter  terms  to  the  ambiguous  attacks  of  the  coalition. 
"  He  (the  Duke  de  Broglie),  has  declared  that  we  are  not 
to  be  trusted,  saying  that  he  cares  nothing  for  our  words, 
but  only  for  our  acts.  And  yet  we  have  not  done  a  thing, 
nor  said  a  word!"  There  was  no  reply  to  the  argument. 
The  Majority  did  not  think  of  the  ministers.  It  was 
Thiers  and  the  foundation  of  the  Republic  that  was 
aimed  at. 

The  debate  was  closed,  and  an  order  of  the  day,  submit- 
ted by  a  legitimist  deputy,  was  expressed  in  these  terms : 
"  The  National  Assembly,  considering  that  the  form  of 
government  is  not  being  discussed  ;  that  the  Assembly  is 
occupied  with  constitutional  laws — presented  by  virtue  of 
one  of  its  decisions — which  it  ought  to  examine,  regre.ts 
that  the  recent  ministerial  changes  have  not  given  con- 


yET.  76.]  The  Fall  of  Thiers.  265 

servative  interests  the  satisfaction  that  they  had  the  right 
to  expect,  and  passes  to  the  order  of  the  day." 

The  Majority  dared  not  express  its  honest  opinion.  It 
was  afraid  to  come  boldly  out  from  its  equivocal  position. 
Everything  had  been  arranged  to  inveigle  the  timid,  to 
aid  and  cover  up  ratting.  Under  the  pretext  of  giving 
the  vote  an  entirely  unambiguous  meaning,  M.  Target,  a 
member  of  the  Right-Centre,  declared  that  in  voting  for 
the  order  of  the  day,  a  certain  number  of  his  colleagues 
and  himself  were  resolved  to  accept  the  republican  solu- 
tion, as  furnished  by  the  constitutional  laws  presented  by 
the  Government.  Over  a  dozen  deputies,  former  adher- 
ents of  the  Left-Centre  and  of  the  policy*  of  M.  Casimir 
Perier,  were  thus  able  to  pass  over  to  the  enemy  without 
blushing.  They  were  to  work  in  the  name  of  the  Repub- 
lic, for  the  establishment  of  the  Monarchy. 

We  hasten  over  the  incidents  that  followed.  The 
order  of  the  day  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  sixteen. 
Thiers  handed  in  his  resignation  in  the  form  of  a  mes- 
sage, which  was  read  at  the  opening  of  the  evening  ses- 
sion, at  about  nine  o'clock.  Less  than  three  hours 
thereafter,  M.  Buffet,  President  of  the  Assembly,  an- 
nounced that  after  an  earnest  resistance  Marshal  Mac- 
Mahon  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  accept  the  presidency 
of  the  Republic, 

Thus  Thiers  was  overthrown  ;  but  his  ideas  still  dom- 

*M.  Perier  was  a  conservative  republican  who  advocated  the  establish- 
ment of  the  conservative  republic. 


266  Life  of  Thiers.  [1873. 

inated  the  situation,  which  was  so  strong,  so  imperious, 
that  his  enemies  did  not  dare,  in  striking  him  down,  to 
touch  the  Government  de  facto  which  he  had  set  up. 
Indeed  his  ideas  were  so  exactly  the  expression  of  the 
situation,  that  his  vanquishers  were  forced  to  follow  his 
plans  of  republican  reconstruction,  thus  adding  to  the 
spectacle  of  their  weakness  that  of  their  inconsistency, 
and  in  some  cases  even  of  apostacy.  The  situation  pre- 
sented the  curious  "spectacle  of  an  Assembly  profoundly 
royal  and  clerical,  finishing,  without  knowing  it  and  with- 
out wishing  it,  by  establishing,  with  its  own  hands,  the 
Republic ! "  * 

Thiers  helped  greatly  to  bring  about  this  result.  For, 
out  of  power  as  in  power,  he  always  kept  his  object  in 
view.  In  his  parlor,  in  the  lobbies  of  the  Assembly,  in 
his  travels,  by  his  speeches,  he  never  ceased  to  repeat, 
that  the  only  government  possible  in  France  at  that 
moment  was  the  Republic,  and  that  all  good  citizens 
should  work  for  that  end.  He  bent  all  the  force  of  his 
incomparable  mind  to  this  task. 

After  the  Republic  had  been  established  and  pro- 
vided with  all  its  organs,t  he  did  not  repose.  Before  the 
general  elections  of  February  20th,  1876,  when  the  Repub- 
lic was  no  longer  merely  a  legal  fact  but  a  constitutional 
right,  he  labored  to  give  his  friends  good  advice.     This  ad- 

*  John  Lemoinne,  of  the  French  Academy,  in  the  Journal  des  Debats  of 
May  28th,  1877. 

f  The  present  constitution  of  France  was  adopted  by  the  National  Assem- 
bly, on  February  25th,  and  July  16th,  1875. 


^T.  76.]  The  Fail  of  Thiers.  267 

vice  was  simple  but  necessary  in  the  face  of  a  power  that 
was  "  uncertain,  unfixed,  enigmatic,  in  which  you  cannot 
find  the  idea  that  directs  it,"  and  he  conjured  them,  "to 
work  for  a  government  that  will  be  sincerely  republican 
and  for  a  Chamber  that  will  be  sincerely  republican."  * 

This  enigmatic  nature  of  the  Government,  so  happily 
named  by  Thiers,  showed  itself  in  plain  day  on  May  i6th, 
1877,  when  Jules  Simon,  the  Prime  Minister,  was  dis- 
missed, Marshal  MacMahon  gained  over  and  the  Duke 
de  Broglie  once  more  got  possession  of  the  helm  of 
state.  Then  was  the  Government,  which  Thiers  had 
worked  so  long  and  earnestly  to  found,  in  a  most  critical 
condition.  But  he  came  to  its  assistance,  and,  though 
the  hour  of  his  death  was  drawing  near,  with  the  spirit 
of  youth,  he  made  a  rampart  for  it  of  his  popularity,  of 
his  talent  and  of  his  name.  He  fought  for  it  from  his 
very  coffin,  so  to  speak,  for  when  he  was  surprised  by 
death,  on  the  eve  of  the  elections  of  October  14th,  1877, 
he  was  giving  the  last  touches  to  that  famous  letter  to 
his  constituents,  which  was  published  a  few  days  after- 
wards by  his  executors,  and  which  had  such  an  immense 
influence  on  public  opinion. f 

Thiers,  therefore,  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  founder 
of  the  Republic  in  France.:]:     Individuals,  whoever  they 

♦Speech  delivered  at  Arcaclioii  (Gironde)  in  October,  1875. 

f  See  Appendix  D  for  this  document. 

\  Henri  Martin,  the  celebrated  French  historian,  touches  upon  this  point 
in  the  following  interesting  comparison  between  Thiers  and  Washington. 
"With  a  different  character  and  under  different  circumstances,  M.  Thiers 
is  the  principal  founder  of  the  durable  republic  in  Prance,  as  is  Washington 
in  America.  Neither  of  them,  however,  was  born  a  republican.  Washing- 
ton was — using  the  word  in  its  best  sense — an  aristocrat.     Under  other  cir- 


268  Life  of  Thiers.  [1873. 

may  be,  can  not  do  every  thing,  whether  it  be  a  work  of 
construction  or  destruction  :  but  there  would  be  no  his- 
tory without  powerful  individuals.  The  French  Republic 
would  not  have  fallen  on  the  i8th  Brumaire,*  if  it  had  not 
been  for  Bonaparte ;  it  would  not  have  ri^en  so  rapidly 
in  the  crisis  of  1 871,  if  it  had  not  been  for  Thiers.  It  is 
to  this  that  he  owes  the  maledictions  of  the  royalists  and 
the  gratitude  of  their  adversaries.  Thiers — as  is  well 
known  and  as  we  are  to  show  in  the  next  chapter — was 
not  only  a  politician  ;  he  was  a  historian,  an  orator,  a 
superior  polemic,  a  writer  of  rare  spirit,  and  an  incom- 
parable talker.  Like  Voltaire,  he  was  endowed  with  a 
universality  of  acquirements  and  aptitudes,  and  possessed 
also  this  great  philosopher's  activity.f  All  this  will  give 
him  a  distinctive  place  in  the  history  of  France,  but, 
without  any  doubt,  the  greatest  part  of  his  glory  and  his 
most  incontrovertible  title  to  the  remembrance  of  pos- 
terity, will  ever  be  his  having  contributed  more  than  any- 
body towards  giving  to  the  French  Revolution  the  form 
of  government  that  conformed  most  to  its  spirit. 

cumstances,  he  would  have  favored  a  Gonstitutional  monarchy  like  that  of 
England,  though  in  reality  he  is  the  founder  of  the  first  truly  demorcratic 
republic  that  the  world  has  seen.  He  did  not  so  act  through  sentiment  of 
coercion,  but  through  reflective  reason,  which  leads  to  resolutions  which  are 
never  changed.  This  too,  is  the  history  of  ]\[.  Thiers,  with  a  slight  differ- 
ence of  course.  M.  Thiers  had  behind  him  the  precedents  of  the  Revolution  ; 
he  was  the  child  of  the  Revolution  ;  he  wished  to  be  so,  and  never  disowned 
his  mother,  even  when  he  was  entirely  at  variance  with  the  advanced  parties 
who  wished  to  continue  and  complete  the  Revolution."  Speech  at  Laon, 
August  27lh,  1878.     Journal  des  Debats,  August  30th,  1878. 

*  November  gth,  1799. 

f  "  Like  Voltaire,  Thiers  occupied  himself  with  everything,  was  interested 
in  everything,  studied  everything,  vulgarized  everything.  The  last  time  we 
saw  him,  was  at  the  sea-shore,  and  while  promenading,  he  gave  us  a  fine 
lecture  on  astronomy,  which  we  listened  to  with  big  eyes  and  ears."  John 
Lemoinne  in  the  Jomnal  des  Debats,  May  29th,  1878. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   HOTEL   OF   THE   PLACE   SAINT-GEORGES. 

Cousin,  the  philosopher,  returning  from  dinner  at 
Thiers's  in  October,  1847,  s^i*^  •  "  What  does  Thiers  lack  ; 
that  incomparable  ivy  whom  we  have  just  left  ?  An  oak 
to  which  to  attach  himself.  So  long  as  he  has  not  this 
oak,  every  wind  will  agitate  him." 

This  mot — which  has  often  been  repeated,  and  more 
than  once  distorted — would  be  a  calumny,  if  Cousin  had 
wished  to  convey  the  idea,  that  Thiers  lacked  firm  fixed 
principles  in  politics  or  in  his  life.  We  have  seen  what 
he  was  in  politics.  In  his  life  he  was — with  scarcely  a 
contradiction,  even  in  the  ardent  years  of  his  youth — 
governed  by  a  deep  feeling  of  personal  dignity,  and  ruled 
by  a  lofty  philosophic  belief,  that  the  inconsistencies, 
weakness  and  even  apostasies*  of  his  masters  could  not 
shake.  Who  doubts  to-day — to  speak  only  of  the  politi- 
cal side  of  Thiers — that  the  oak,  which  Cousin  could  not 
see  on  leaving  the  dinner  table  in  the  dazzle  and  confusion 
of  conversation,  where  his  argumentative  talent  had  per- 
haps suffered  defeat, — who  doubts  that  it  was  the  spirit  of 
modern  France,  the  spirit  of  the  French  Revolution? 

*  Cousin  was  a  liberal  under  the  Restoration  and  the  July  Monarchy,  but 
went  over  to  the  Empire. 


270  Life  of  Thiers. 

Twenty  years  later,  another  friend  of  Thiers,  but  of  a 
different  generation,  was  much  better  inspired,  when,  on 
also  leaving  the  Jiotel  of  the  Place  Saint-Georges,  he  ex- 
claimed :  "  Thiers,  he  is  living  France ! "  M.  Pr^vost- 
Paradol  had  discovered  the  oak  that  sustained  the  incom- 
parable ivy. 

This  mot  of  Prdvost-Paradol  suggests  to  us  so  import- 
ant a  view  of  the  character  of  Thiers,  that  we  must  stop 
a  moment  to  consider  it.  Called  forth  by  the  admiration 
of  a  young  friendship,  by  the  warmth  of  an  honest  con- 
viction— as  often  happens  in  youth — it  will  be  accepted 
and  preserved  by  history.  France  does  not  possess  among 
her  illustrious  contemporaries,  a  personality  in  which  she 
is  more  clearly  reflected  with  her  virtues  and  her  faults, 
when  the  faults  are  but  the  excesses  of  her  virtues.  By  his 
aspirations  and  his  ruling  passions,  by  his  intellectual 
activity  and  his  practical  sense,  by  his  universal  curiosity, 
by  his  hardihood,  at  one  time  spontaneous,  at  another 
profoundly  considered,  Thiers  is  beyond  contradiction 
the  most  perfect  representation  of  the  epoch  in  which  he 
lived.  Pr^vost-Paradol,  when  he  passed  the  judgment 
that  we  have  recalled,  was  not  thinking  simply  of  the 
politician,  but  of  the  man.  We  will  soon  see^  by  pene- 
trating into  the  hotel  of  the  Place  Saint-Georges,  that  he 
was  not  mistaken,  and  that,  as  in  politics,  so  in  everything 
else,  Thiers  was  indeed  "  the  living  France "  that  the 
world  recognizes.  We  do  not  intend,  however,  to  enter 
into  any  argument  on  this  point,  but  allow  the  thought 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  271 

of  Pr^vost-Paradol  to  find  its  illustration  in  the  follow- 
ing loosely  connected  impressions  and  souvenirs. 

We  have  referred  elsewhere  to  the  note  of  the  physi- 
cian who  was  present  at  the  accouchement  of  Thiers.* 
The  "  turbulent "  baby,  full  of  vitality  at  the  hour  of 
his  birth,  became  one  of  the  most  prodigiously  active 
men  of  his  century,  among  those  who  participated  in 
public  life.  His  childhood  was  full  of  the  usual  pranks 
of  boys,  and  his  youth  was  not  exempt  from  the  custom- 
ary frivolous  distractions  of  that  period  of  life.  He  had 
a  taste  for  sporting,  in  art  he  was  an  amateur,  and  withal 
he  was  a  man  of  the  world.  This  all  sprang  from  the 
exuberance  of  the  forces  of  a  rich  nature,  which  had 
need  of  many  and  varied  outlets,  and  which  did  not  de- 
tract from  the  serious  occupations  of  life  nor  from  its 
necessary  work.  If  we  take  Thiers  at  any  point  of  his 
long  life,  we  shall  not  find  one  single  day  voluntarily  un 
occupied.  In  his  portrait  of  Talleyrand,  to  waom  he 
denies  the  gift  "  of  directing,  as  chief,  the  affairs  of  a  great 
state,"  he  bases  his  judgment  on  the  fact  that  "  in 
order  to  direct,  a  will,  convictions  and  industry  are  neces- 
sary, but  he  had  none  of  these  things."  f 

The  contrary  is  true  of  Thiers.  Though  his  opponents 
might  deny  that  he  had  any  convictions,  they  could  not 
refuse  him  a  strong  will  and  indefatigable  industry.  If 
we  consider  Thiers  in  the   latter  years  of  his  life,  when 

*  See  page  i,  and  Appendix  B. 

f  Consulate  and  Empire,  Vol.  VI,  p.  Ii8. 


272  Life  of  Thiers. 

his  physical  forces  began  to  desert  him,  we  will  see  that 
nothing  could  arrest  the  activity  that  his  iron  will  im- 
posed upon  his  vigorous  constitution.  His  body  was 
governed  by  his  mind. 

Every  morning  he  arose  between  four  and  five  o'clock, 
though,  during  the  night,  he  had  wakened  his  domestic, 
Louis,  more  than  once,  in  order  to  secure  paper  and  pen- 
cil with  which  to  jot  down  an  idea.  "  It  is  good  that  I 
am  sixty,"  Louis  used  to  say;  "it  is  the  saving  of  me. 
If  monsieur  were  served  by  a  young  man,  the  young 
man  would  not  last  long,"  As  soon  as  dressed,  seating 
himself  at  his  writing-desk,  on  a  light  ebony  chair,  before 
that  small  white  or  light  green  English  paper,  which  has 
carried  his  autograph  to  the  four  corners  of  the  world, 
armed  with  a  big  stubby  goose-quill,  its  broad  point 
plunged  into  a  thick  ink,  always  very  black, — the  illus- 
trious author  would  meditate  an  instant,  and  then,  slowly 
write  a  whole  page  without  an  erasure  and  without  stop- 
ping. When  the  bottom  of  the  page  was  reached — while 
waiting  for  the  large  firm  characters,  with  their  thick 
ovals  and  chunky  tails,  to  get  dry — ^he  would  look  over 
the  sheet  and  complete  the  punctuation.  Then  the  next 
page  was  filled  without  a  halt,  dried  and  punctuated,  and 
so  on  to  the  end.  This  done,  Thiers  generally  had  by 
heart  what  he  had  just  written,  and  did  not  review  the 
whole.  He  once  said  :  '*  Be  assured  that  it  is  very  dififi- 
cult  to  write  only  what  you  want  to  say;  and  also  that 
very  few  words  are  necessary  to  express  a  fine  thought." 


The   Place  Saint-Georges.  273 

By  seven  or  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  impor- 
tant literary  wiDflTof  the  day  was  finished,  for  he  let  no 
day  pass  without  writing  something.  Nulla  dies  sine  linea. 
The  rest  of  the  time  was  given  up  to  his  beloved  studies, 
as  he  said,  to  his  correspondence,  to  researches  which  he 
made,  pen  in  hand,  with  his  secretaries,  Messrs.  Faure 
and  Aude.  Then  he  might  be  seen  for  entire  hours 
surrounded  by  immense  maps  or  collections  of  foreign 
books,  heaped  upon  two  little  tables  between  which  he 
worked,  and  filled  with  book-marks  and  large  double  sheets 
replete  with  pencil  and  ink  notes. 

These  were  doubtless  the  happiest  hours  of  the  day, 
even  at  the  period  of  his  supreme  power,  especially,  per- 
chance, when  public  affairs  permitted  him  to  enjoy  them. 
Public  lif^-JS^as^disagreeable  to  him  only  in  so  far  as  it 
disarranged  him.  After  his  fall  from  power,  on  May  24th. 
1873,  the  reconstruction  of  his  //^/^/ in  the  Place  Saint- 
Georges  not  being  completed,*  and  the  hotel  Bagration, 
which  he  entered  soon  afterwards,  not  having  been  found, 
he  took  possession  of  the  second  floor — the  entresol — of 
the  house  on  the  Boulevard  Malesherbes,  on  the  corner 
next  to  the  Church  of  St.  Augustine,  where  he  was 
troubled  by  the  sun,  the  "dust  and  the  noise.  He  was 
dissatisfied  with  the  situation.  "  How  does  the  Presi- 
dent find  his  new  quarters?"  said  a  visitor  one  day. 
"Very  good,  except  that  the  heat  and  the  clatter  of  the 

♦Thiers's  hdtel  was  destroyed  by  the  Commune  and  rebuilt  by  the  Gov- 
ernment. 


2  74  L'^fi  ^  Thiers, 

street  hinders  him  from  working  as  he  would  like  to," 
was  the  reply  of  a  member  of  the  family.  This  dis- 
pleased him  more  than  the  loss  of  the  presidency.  He 
regretted  in  the  palace  of  the  Elysee  only  what  he  did 
not  find  in  his  entresol.  Happily  for  him,  he  soon  moved 
and  took  possession  of  the  hotel  Bagration.  There,  the 
same  visitor,  a  week  later,  found  him  in  a  room  encum- 
bered with  herbs,  plants,  lignites,  etc.,  which  he  had 
classified,  and  labeled  as  a  Jussieu  might  have  done. 
The  next  day  perhaps  the  indefatigable  old  man  would 
go  to  the  Observatory  to  contemplate  the  heavens  with 
Le  Verrier.* 

Thiers  was  accustomed  to  shave  himself  about  eight 
o'clock.  It  was  his  first  recreation,  a  souvenir  of  the 
recess  which  at  the  same  hour  he  had  enjoyed  when  a 
boy  at  the  Lyc^e  of  Marseilles  !  He  was  fortunate  w^ho 
could  enter  at  this  moment,  for  Thiers  was  now  to 
be  found  loquacious,  witty  and  affable.  Mounted  on  a 
little  stool  before  the  glass  near  the  window,  he  would 
pass  the  razor  over  his  chin  by  short  systematic  move- 
ments, stopping  from  time  to  time  to  listen  to  the  recital 
of  this  or  that  piece  of  city  gossip.  Each  story  called 
forth  some  pointed  comments,  which  were  accompanied 
and  enlivened  by  little  expressive  gestures,  whose  effect 
was  increased  by  the  lathered  face.  In  a  short  time 
business  claimed  its  rights  and  the  recreation  was  at   an 

*  Le  Verrier — who  was  a  great  friend  of  Thiers — followed  him  in  three 
weeks  to  the  tomb,  dying  on  September  23d,  1877. 


The  Place  Saint- Georges,  275 

end.  Dressed  from  head  to  foot  at  the  hour  when  even 
the  soberest  people  have  not  yet  laid  off  their  robe  de 
chainbre,  Thiers  was  pacing  his  garden  in  a  broad-brimmed 
hat,  sack  coat,  patent-leather  pumps  and  black  over- 
gaiters,  all  ready  to  receive  morning  visitors  or  to  go  out 
if  business  called  him. 

We  have  forgotten  the  frugal  morning  meal  of  eggs, 
cold  meat  and  stewed  fruit,  which  scarcely  interrupted 
the  work  in  progress,  and,  at  noon,  the  breakfast — the 
dejeuner  de  famille  —  copious  but  simple,  when  Thiers 
found  at  the  table  Mme.  Thiers,  her  sister,  Mile.  Dosne, 
and  from  time  to  time  some  visitors. 

Thiers's  way  of  sleeping  has  often  been  spoken  of.  A 
little  hair  mattress,  as  hard  as  the  famous  bed  of  the 
Emperor  Nicholas  ;  a  pillow  not  much  larger  than  the 
two  hands;  a  comforter  of  red,  quilted  silk;  over  his 
feet,  a  fur  robe.  His  afternoon  nap — very  rarely  forgot- 
ten— was  taken  on  the  same  bed.  When  he  began  to  feel 
sleepy,  he  would  close  the  window  blinds,  spread  out  a 
handkerchief  for  his  head,  and  continue  to  chat  with  the 
visitor  who  happened  to  be  present.  He  would  listen  to 
the  conversation,  and  answer  questions,  until  regular 
respirations  showed  that  he  was  asleep,  when  he  was  left 
alone  until  he  called.  But  he  always  gave  orders  to  enter 
and  waken  him,  if  anything  of  pressing  importance  de- 
manded his  attention. 

Thiers  fully  appreciated  the  value  of  time.  In  his  old 
age  he  was  annoyed  less  by  infirmities  themselves  than  by 


276  Life  of  Thiers. 

the  derangements  that  they  made  in  his  hours  of  work. 
These  infirmities,  however,  had  respected  the  essential 
parts  of  his  nature.  In  spite  of  age,  Thiers's  eyes  were 
excellent,  his  hearing  quite  delicate,  his  brain  active  and 
its  productive  powers  still  remarkable.  But  sometimes 
he  had  slight  troubles  with  his  lungs,  which  occasioned 
some  pain  and  anxiety. 

After  the  crisis  of  May  i6th,  1877,  Thiers  was  afflicted 
■with  bleeding  at  the  nose  and  with  faintness.  Doctor 
Barthe  feared  the  return  of  the  troubles.  Thiers  dis- 
cussed with  him  the  remedies  that  he  should  take,  which, 
in  fact,  were  not  so  much  medicines  as  the  observance  of 
a  few  simple  hygienic  laws,  a  course,  by  the  way,  which 
he  followed  throughout  his  whole  life.  "  How  do  you 
stand  so  much  work?"  he  was  asked  one  day.  "  Because 
I  am  sober,"  was  the  reply. 

But  we  must  leave  these  details,  however  interesting 
they  may  appear  to  those  who — not  without  reason  per- 
haps— believe  that  nothing  is  immaterial  in  the  life  of 
illustrious  men.  Thiers's  day  is  not  finished.  We  have 
not  yet  arrived  at  his  dinner  hour,  when  he  almost  always 
had  some  guests ;  we  have  not  followed  him  to  the 
Chamber,  to  the  Council.  But  we  must  make  selections 
from  this  mass  of  illustrative  data.  We  hasten  to  view 
him  in  a  position  where  we  have  not  yet  seen  him,  and 
where  his  personality  shines  in  most  brilliant  colors,  at 
every  period  of  his  life — in  bis  salon,  in  the  midst  of  his 
friends  and  visitors. 


I 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  277 

Lamartine,  in  his  Souvenirs  and  Portraits  has  related 
his  first  interview  with  Thiers,  which  took  place,  a  few 
months  before  the  Revolution  of  July,  in  a  parlor  of  the 
restaurateur  V^ry  of  the  Palais-Royal,  and  he  has  there 
given  the  portrait  of  his  guest,  who  was  then  already 
celebrated.  Certain  traits  have  a  fidelity  of  touch  not 
often  found  in  the  imaginative  style  of  the  historian  of 
the  Girondists,  and  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  recall  a 
few  of  them. 

After  having  painted  the  external  man,  and  spoken  of 
his  face  with  its  "  intellectual  beauty  triumphing  over 
its  lineaments,  and  forcing  a  rebellious  body  to  express 
mental  grandeur,"  he  adds:  "His  mind  was,  like  his 
body,  upright,  robust  and  active.  Perhaps,  being  a  man  of 
the  south,  he  over-estimated  a  little  his  powers.  Modesty 
is  a  northern  virtue,  or  a  fruit  of  refined  education.  He 
spoke  first,  he  spoke  last,  he  paid  little  attention  to  re- 
plies ;  but  he  spoke  with  a  correctness,  with  a  boldness 
and  with  a  wealth  of  ideas  which  caused  the  volubility 
of  his  lips  to  be  excused.  It  was  plain  that  he  had  been 
accustomed  from  an  early  age  to  be  listened  to  by  his 
companions.  But  his  conversation — perfectly  familiar  and 
fitted  for  the  time  and  place — was  neither  labored  nor 
eloquent.  It  was  the  mind  and  the  heart  that  flowed 
forth." 

Then — passing  on  to  a  later  period,  when  his  young 
and  new  friend  had  become  one  of  the  masters  of  the 
tribune — in  a  rapid  review,  where  he  attempts  to  charac- 


278  Life  of   Thiers. 

terize,  by  a  few  expressive  words,  the  contemporary  ora- 
tors, Royer-Collard,  Dupin,  Odilon  Barrot,  etc.,  arrived 
at  Thiers,  he  can  find  no  other  word  to  paint  him  but 
that  of  "  prodigy."  "  Yes,  the  prodigy,"  cries  Lamar- 
tine,  "  for  it  is  a  prodigy  that  has  endowed  him  with 
everything,  even  his  voice  and  gestures,  or  rather  he  dis- 
penses with  voice  and  gesture  through  the  mere  force  of 
talent.  For  whole  hours  at  a  time,  and  hours  that  do 
not  drag,  he  will  pour  out  his  thoughts,  common  sense 
and  sometimes  sophisms,  without  ever  exhausting  the  in- 
terest of  his  audience  or  his  own  resources.  He  does  not 
strike  great  blows,  but  he  strikes  a  multitude  of  little 
ones,  with  which  he  breaks  ministries,  majorities  and 
thrones.  He  has  not  the  might  of  soul  of  Mirabeau, 
but  he  has  his  power  in  detail ;  he  takes  Mirabeau's  club 
into  the  tribune  and  makes  arrows  of  it.  He  shoots 
them  into  Assemblies  to  the  right  and  to  the  left.  On 
one  is  written  argument,  on  another  sarcasm ;  on  this 
one  grace,  on  that  one  passion.  It  is  a  shower  from 
which  there  is  no  escape.  As  for  myself,  who  often  op- 
posed his  policy,  it  was  impossible  for  me  not  to  admire 
the  pre-eminent  artist." 

These  last  traits  of  Thiers's  nature  must  be  borne  in 
mind,  if  we  would  form  a  correct  idea  of  Thiers  in  a 
salon,  especially  in  his  earlier  and  the  first  part  of  his 
maturer  years.  It  was  indeed  a  shower,  as  Lamartine 
has  well  said ;  a  brilliant  shower  of  ideas,  colored  with 
all   the   magic  tints  of  the  rainbow,  delicately  shaded, 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  279 

changing  with  the  topic,  the  surroundings,  the  moment. 
On  this  point  there  is  abundant  testimony. 

We  are  in  the  year  1840,  or  thereabouts.  Mme.  de 
Girardin  in  her  Parisian  Letters^  did  not  spare  the  minister 
whom  she  disliked.  It  seems  that  Thiers  had  called  her 
in  a  salon  a  blue-stocking  full  of  holes.  "  M.  Thiers," 
she  said,  "  is  badly  brought  up,  badly  made,  and  lowly 
born."  "  Badly  made,"  responded  Thiers  quickly  ;  "  how 
does  she  know  it  ?  " 

In  this  same  sprightly  series  of  letters,  Mme.  de  Gir- 
ardin tells,  good  naturedly,  at  least  one  anecdote  of 
Thiers  worth  quoting.  It  shows  the  quickness  and  humor 
of  his  mind.  "  He  met  the  other  day,"  says  Mme.  de 
Girardin,  "  an  Academician  who,  though  not  old,  was 
nevertheless  somewhat  advanced  in  years.  '  How  young 
you  look,'  said  Thiers;  '  what's  this  for?'  'Why,  noth- 
ing!' '  None  of  that ;  we  never  rejuvenate  without  an 
object.*  "  t 

He  possessed  the  art,  as  we  have  just  seen,  of  making 
repartees,  which  sometimes,  it  must  be  admitted,  were 
rather  cruel.  Doctor  V^ron,  X  iri  1840,  had  placed  the 
columns    of    the    Const itutioftnel  at  the  disposal   of  the 

*  Mme.  de  Girardin,  (1804-1855),  had  made  a  literary  reputation  as  Del- 
phine  Gay,  before  her  marriage  with  the  well-known  journalist,  M.  Emile 
Girardin,  who  still  (1878)  follows  his  profession,  being  editor-in-chief  of  La 
Liberty.  Mme.  de  Girardin  wrote  the  celebrated  Pansian  Letters  under 
the  nom  de  plume  of  the  Vicomte  de  Launay. 

\  Lettres  Parisienncs,  Vol.  IV,  p.  26. 

\  Veron,  (1798-1867),  a  famoils  journalist  during  the  July  Monarchy  and 
February  Republic,  though  not  very  highly  respected.  See  the  last  foot  note 
on  page  Si. 


28o  Life  of  Tiders. 

minister,  and  asked  that  in  return  he  be  provided  with  a 
good  office  which  would  give  him  "  respectability."  "  An 
office  that  will  give  you  respectability  ? "  said  Thiers. 
"Why,  my  dear  sir,  you  ask  me  to  do  an  impossibility." 

Thiers's  family,  as  we  have  before  remarked^  was  in  a 
lowly  condition  at  the  time  of  his  birth.  One  day  some 
one  was  talking  before  him  about  the  old  nobility  and 
the  vanity  of  the  inheritors  of  a  great  name.  "  I  do 
not  think  that  it  is  wrong  to  turn  up  one's  nose  at  the 
old  nobility,"  he  said,  with  a  sly  look,  "  though  I  am 
myself  sprung  from  the  old  commonalty,  arid  I  am  none 
the  prouder  for  that." 

Thiers  was  always  ready  to  resent  any  slur  cast  at  the 
middle  classes — the  bourgeoisie — from  which  he  sprang. 

Theophile  Silvestre,  the  art  critic  and  litterateur, 
though  not  an  admirer  of  Thiers  as  a  politician  or  writer, 
was  very  desirous  of  seeing  his  curiosities  and  objects  of 
art.  The  opportunity  was  given  him,  and  on  leaving 
Thiers's  hotel,  he  expressed  himself  dissatisfied  at  finding 
so  fine  a  collection  marred  by  what  he  considered  several 
inferior  objects  of  art.  "Nest  of  a  bourgeois^'  he  said  on 
daparting,  "  I  must  refuse  you  the  laurel  wreath,  but  I 
will  award  you  a  lot  of  old  women's  nightcaps."*  The  mot 
was  repeated  to  Thiers.  "  After  all,"  he  said,  "  M.  Theo- 
phile Silvestre  is  right.  Bourgeois  I  was  born,  bourgeois  I 
will  live,  and  bourgeois  I  wish  to  die.'      And  then,  assum- 

*  "  Nid  d'un  bourj^eois.  Je  lui  refuse  la  branch  de  laurier,  mais  je  lui 
decernerai  cent  bonnets  de  coton." 


The  Place  Saint- G con 


281 


ing  the  oratorical  air  of  the  tribune,  he  continued: 
"  What  have  the  poets  and  critics  of  to-day  against  the 
bourgeoisie  ?  What  would  become  of  the  modern  world 
without  them  ?  As  early  as  the  time  of  Louis  XIV  they 
excelled  the  nobility.  Moliere,  Bossuet,  Corneille,  La 
Fontaine,  Boileau,  were  bourgeois.  So  was  Lebrun, 
Eustache  Lesueur,  Poussin,  Puget,  Voltaire,  Diderot, 
Vanloo,  Watteau  and  Rousseau.  And  from  what  class 
to-day  does  France  draw  her  orators,  her  engineers, 
her  artists,  her  generals,  and  her  masters  in  everything? 
From  the  bourgeoisie.  And  what  is  it  that  the  reformers 
and  Utopists  wish  to  make  of  the  people?  Princes? 
No.  Nobles  ?  No.  Bourgeois  ?  Yes,  and  even  that  is 
now  found  a  very  difficult  thing." 

The  Faubourg  Saint-Germain,  formerly  the  most  aris- 
tocratic portion  of  Paris,  was  long  the  pitiless  enemy  of 
Thiers,  because  of  his  low  birth.  From  1830  to  1840  the 
press  of  the  legitimist  party  delighted  to  twit  Thiers  for 
his  plebian  origin  and  rustic  manners.  The  Mode  had  heard 
that  Thiers  at  table  had  cut  bread  with  a  knife  instead  of 
breaking  it,  and  this  little  fault  was  quickly  seized  upon 
and  cast  up  in  the  face  of  the  new  statesman.  Some 
great  ladies  sent  him  a  red  morocco  case  containing  six 
little  wooden-handled  knives  worth  two  or  three  cents  a 
piece,  with  this  inscription  printed  in  gilt  letters  on  the 
lid  of  the  case :  "To  M.  Thiers  for  his  state  dinners."* 

*  At  a  later  date — when  Thiers  had  won  a  European  reputation — this  little 
case  of  knives  figured  in  a  cliarity  lottery,  gotten  up  by  the  late  Countess 
Duchatel,  the  noble  philanthropist. 


282  Life  of  Thiers. 

The  following  estimate  of  Thiers — made  at  about  this 

same  period  by  an  Englishman — is  of  a  piece — in  so  far 

as  it  touches  upon  personal  qualities — with  the  opinions 

held  concerning  him  by  the  French  aristocracy  : 

"  September  10th,  1833.— Dined  on  Friday  with  Talleyrand,  a  great  din- 
ner  to  M.  Thiers,  the  French  Minister  of  Commerce,  a  little  man,  about  as 
tall  as  Shiel,*  and  as  mean  and  vulgar-looking,  wearing  spectacles,  and  with 
a  squeaking  voice.  He  was  editor  of  the  National ;  an  able  writer,  and  one 
of  the  principal  instigators  of  the  Revolution  of  July.  It  is  said  that  he  is  a 
man  of  great  ability  and  a  good  speaker,  more  in  the  familiar  English  than 
the  bombastical  French  style.  Talleyrand  has  a  high  opinion  of  him.  He 
wrote  a  history  of  the  Revolution,  which  he  now  regrets  ;  it  is  well  done,  but 
the  doctrine  of  fatalism  he  puts  forth  in  it  he  thinks  calculated  to  injure  his 
reputation  as  a  statesman. f 

Thiers  often  indulged  in  punning.  M.  E.  Pascal,  whom 
he  had  made  Prefect  at  Nantes,  at  Lyons,  and  afterwards 
Councilor  of  State,  abandoned  him  after  his  fall  on  May 
24th,  1873,  and  became  one  of  the  most  zealous  of  his 
enemies.  Such  desertions  sometimes  occur  in  politics. 
M,  Pascal  had  been  a  mediocre  journalist ;  he  was  am- 
bitious, and  vainer  than  he  was  ambitious.  Thiers  one 
day  in  private,  laughing  at  M.  Pascal's  bragging  spirit, 
compared  his  talents  to  those  of  the  village  charlatan, 
who,  to  attract  attention,  sticks  feathers  in  his  hat.  "  He 
never  knew  how  to  use  his  quill,"  said  Thiers,  "  and  now 
he  has  wound  up  by  using  it  for  a  feather."  X 

His  puns  were  sometimes  very  pointed  in  their  mean- 

*Right  Hon.  Richard  Llalor  Shiel,  (1793-1851),  lawyer,  dramatist  and 
eloquent  Irish  agitator  ;  entered  the  House  of  Commons  in  1829;  and  was 
British  minister  at  Florence  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

f  Greznlle  Memoirs,  Vol.  II,  p.  196,  (Am.  Edition).  Greville — whose 
memoirs  are  only  published  in  part — was  Clerk  of  the  Council  for  about 
forty  years.      He  died  in  January,  1865. 

I  "  II  n'  a  jamais  su  se  servir  de  sa  plume,  et  il  a  fini  par  en  faire  un 
J)lumei." 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  283 

ing.  Though  they  occasioned  a  laugh  they  also  awakened 
a  thought.  He  more  than  once  by  their  aid,  impressed 
upon  the  public  a  fact  that  it  was  important  the  public 
should  know.  For  example,  during  the  sittings  of  the 
Committee  of  Thirty,*  Thiers — after  his  fall,  disgusted 
at  the  petty  vexations  and  the  base  double  dealing  of  its 
members — wished  to  express  his  real  feelings  without 
creating  an  explosion.  He  had  recourse  to  a  lapsus  lingiics. 
"  I  was  shut  up,"  he  said  to  the  committee,  "  in  the  depths 
of  the  Palace  of  Penitence — of  the  Presidence  I  mean  to 
say."t  The  mot  was  taken  up  in  the  evening  by  all  the 
newspapers,  and  the  desired  effect  was  produced. 

On  another  occasion,  it  was  a  gay  sally  bursting  out  in 
a  most  original  and  unexpected  form.  In  1850,  Thiers 
went  to  visit  Louis-Philippe  at  Claremont.  After  the  in- 
terview, while  walking  along  the  terrace  of  the  cJidtcau, 
he  noticed  the  old  parrot  of  Madame  Adelaide,  Louis- 
Philippe's  sister,  the  same  one  that  hung  formerly  in  the 
windows  of  the  princess  at  Neuilly,  near  enough  to  the 
council  chamber  to  be  heard  by  Thiers  when  he  was 
minister.  "  Ah,  there  you  are  my  poor  poll,"  he  said  on 
perceiving  the  parrot,  "  there  you  are  again.  Unlike  us 
you  still  have  your  say.  You  remember,  we  were  min- 
isters together?"  And  he  laughed  at  this  souvenir  of  a 
past  that  he  then  however   had  many  reasons  to  regret. 

Thiers  was  the  author  of  many  delicate  sentiments  that 

*  See  Chapter  IX. 

f  "J'etais  enferme  clans  les  profondeurs  du  palais  de  la  Penitence — de 
la  Presidence  veux-je  dire." 


284  Life  of  Thiers. 

sank  deep  into  the  human  heart.  His  mind  produced 
wise  maxims  as  well  as  witty  sallies.  Count  Enzenberg, 
who  at  one  time  represented  Hesse  at  Paris,  and  who  was 
an  indefatigable  collector  of  autographs,  gave  his  album 
to  Prince  Bismarck  one  day,  with  the  request  that  he 
write  therein  a  sentiment.  Bismarck  consented  after 
some  hesitation.  The  page  on  which  he  was  to  write, 
already  held  two  sentiments.  The  first,  by  Guizot.  was 
as  follows : 

"  In  my  long  life  I  have  learnt  two  wise  rules  :  the  first, 
to  pardon  much  ;  the  second,  to  never  forget." 

Thiers  had  written  under  this: 

"  A  little  forgetfulness  will  not  hurt  the  sincerity  of 
the  pardon." 

Bismarck  added  : 

"  For  my  part,  I  have  learnt  to  forget  much  and  to  ask 
to  be  pardoned  much." 

Thiers's  sentiment  is  at  the  same  time  a  thrust  at 
Guizot,  and  a  moral  maxim  which  not  politicians  alone 
might  do  well  to  heed. 

The  following  charming  and  characteristic  witticism 
deserves  to  be  mentioned.  While  President,  Thiers 
visited  one  day  the  War  Department.  Noticing  a  pair 
of  spectacles  on  the  floor  he  picked  them  up,  saying: 
"  Let  us  see  if  they  are  as  good  as  the  ones  I  use."  A 
letter  was  handed  him — apparently  on  purpose — ^which 
contained  a  pompous  eulogy  of  his  Government.  Thiers,' 
hastily  throwing  down  the  spectacles,  said  :  "  They  are  no 


The  Place  Sai?it- Georges.  285 

better  than   my  own  ;  they  magnify  objects  too  much." 

Some  times  his  allusions  were  very  caustic.  He  was 
undoubtedly  thinking  of  MacMahon,  his  successor,  when 
he  said  one  day:  "Don't  despise  small  things  nor  small 
men.  A  mite  is  a  wonder  of  the  lowest  degree  of  organic 
beings."  And  he  added  with  a  smile  :  "  An  ant,  provid- 
ing for  winter,  might  teach  a  marshal  of  France  a  lesson, 
who  is  not  ready  on  the  day  of  battle."  MacMahon 
was  not  prepared  at  the  battle  of  Worth  in  the  war  of 
1870-71,  and  consequently  suffered  defeat. 

In  private  he  was  more  direct  in  his  allusions  to  the 
Marshal-President,  though  it  should  be  said  that  his 
arrows  were  shot  without  premeditation.  His  words  were 
suggested  by  the  occasion. 

Thiers  had  a  great  liking  for  physical  sports,  and  often 
talked  about  his  skill  as  a  hunter  and  an  equestrian.  A 
short  time  before  his  death,  during  the  crisis  of  May  i6th, 
1877,  somebody  spoke  to  him  of  MacMahon.  "I  knew 
his  brother  very  well,"  he  said  ;  "  we  have  hunted  to- 
gether. He  was  killed  by  falling  from  his  horse."  And 
he  added  laughingly :  "  You  see,  my  dear  fellow,  in 
horsemanship  as  in  politics,  it  is  necessary  to  sit  well  in 
the  saddle  and  to  hold  a  good  rein."  These  words  are  a 
keen  criticism  of  the  scheme  of  May  i6th.  The  Duke 
de  Broglie  was  not  well  seated  in  his  saddle,  and  of 
course  did  not  hold  a  good  rein  :  a  fall  was,  therefore,  in- 
evitable. 

The  salon  of  the  Place  Saint-Georges,  which  comprised 


286  Life  of  Thiers. 

several  rooms,  a  study  and  a  library,  suggested  the  idea 
of  a  man  of  the  nineteenth  century,  of  a  civilization 
rich,  elegant  and  perfect. 

In  the  antechamber  of  the  study,  in  the  middle  of  the 
room,  rose  the  bronze  statue  of  the  Perseus  of  Benvenuto 
Cellini,  a  reduction,  but  nevertheless  superb,  which  was 
made  at  Florence,  by  M.  Man6glia,  to  replace  another  re- 
duction which  had  perished  in  the  flames  of  the  Tuileries 
during  the  Commune.  Not  far  from  the  Perseus  was  the 
Apollo,  the  Lizard-killer,  and  the  Satyr  playing  on  a  flute, 
which  Thiers  called  one  day,  before  M.  Charles  Blanc,* 
"  the  standard  of  beauty."  And  scattered  about  the 
room,  were  other  pieces  of  art  that  we  must  pass  over  in 
silence  because  of  their  number.  The  door  of  his  study 
was  guarded  by  two  antiques,  marble  reductions :  an 
Apollo  and  the  Satyr  of  Praxiteles,  executed  by  Merci^. 

In  the  large  room,  over  the  mantelpiece,  was  a  fresco  of 
The  Last  Judgment  of  Michel  Angelo,  copied  in  water 
colors  by  Numa  Boucoyran,  and  scattered  about  were 
other  exquisite  copies  of  the  principal  masterpieces,  that 
charmed  the  distinguished  amateur  in  his  travels.  The 
Sistine  Madonna,  for  which  he  made  the  journey  to 
Dresden  ;  the  Assumption  of  Titian,  from  the  Academy 
of  Venice ;  the  St.  Cecilia  of  Bologna,  the  Communion  of 
St.   Jerome,  praised    by  Nicolas    Poussin  as  one  of  the 

Charles  Blanc  (1813 — ),  elder  brother  of  Louis  Blanc,  acquired  a  great 
reputation  as  an  art  critic  and  writer  on  art,  and  was  made  in  1878  professor 
of  .4isthetics  and  the  History  of  Art  at  the  College  of  France. 


The  Place  SaiJit- Georges.  287 

three  most  beautiful  pictures  of  Rome ;  the  frescoes  of 
Raphael  from  the  Vatican  :  the  Dispute  of  the  Holy  Sac- 
ramcnt,  the  School  of  Athens,  the  Parnassus,  the  Transfig- 
uration, the  Sibyls,  etc.  To  the  right  and  left  of  the 
Last  Judgment  rose  on  pedestals  the  Farnese  Hercules 
and  the  Slave  of  Michel  Angelo,  and,  on  either  side  of 
these,  in  the  corners,  were  the  sculptures  from  the  tomb 
of  the  Medicis,  Day  and  Night,  Dawn  and  Dusk,  "  Those 
four  figures,"  says  Charles  Blanc,  "  so  proud  and  so  sad, 
so  beautiful  and  so  formidable  in  their  stern  elegance, 
which  wear  an  anxious  look  on  the  mausoleums,  as  if  the 
troubles  of  life,  lasting  even  in  death,  were  still  agitating, 
from  the  depths  of  the  tomb,  the  heroes  buried  there." 

There  were  also  precious  bronzes,  nearly  all  of  the  Re- 
naissance, and  of  exceptional  beauty.  In  the  study  were 
an  antique  Mime,  an  equestrian  statue,  modeled  perhaps 
by  Leonardo  da  Vinci  himself,  a  bust  of  Lorenzo  Ghi- 
berti,  a  Florentine  Venus,  a  little  Satyr  scratching  his 
leg  and  holding  a  cow-herd's  horn,  an  antique  bust  of  Ana- 
creon,  a  child  and  a  serpent,  a  child  and  a  goose,  the 
Marine  Venus,  in  high  relief  and  a  delicious  bronze  of  the 
Mercury  of  Buda,  worthy  the  great  masters.  There  stood 
in  the  middle  of  the  room  on  a  pedestal  the  equestrian 
statue  of  Colleone — the  only  exact  copy — which  Thiers 
was  permitted  to  have  made  on  the  spot  at  Venice. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  these  wonders  of  art — of  which 
we  have  here  presented  but  an  epitome — that  Thiers  was 
accustomed  to  receive  his  friends,  his  visitors,  his  guests, 


288  Life  of  Thiers. 

and,  in  a  conversation  by  turns  courteous,  light  and  earn- 
est, which  riveted  attention,  to  give  vent,  in  a  continu- 
ous and  dazzling  flow,  to  the  spontaneous  inspirations  of 
his  rare  mind. 

Thiers,  before  his  marriage  with  Mile.  Dosne,  in  the 
earlier  years  of  the  July  Monarchy,  was  a  great  frequenter 
of  the  salons  and  Paris  society,  particularly  in  those  cir- 
cles where  politics  and  the  esprit  fran^ais  predominated. 
When  he  became  lord  of  the  hotel  of  the  Place  Saint- 
Georges,  and  to  the  prestige  of  his  popularity  added 
that  of  great  fortune  and  influence,  he  loved  to  receive 
the  intellectual  elite  of  his  own  and  foreign  countries. 
None  were  excluded  of  those  who  occupied  a  place 
in  the  world  of  letters,  of  art,  of  science,  of  politics, 
of  war,  of  industry,  of  commerce.  Young  talent,  those 
even  who  as  yet  inspired  only  hopes,  was  brought  face  to 
face  with  names  already  celebrated.  Sometimes  the 
most  obscure  journalists  were  here  able  to  stand  on  the 
same  footing  with  the  distinguished  ambassadors  and 
ministers  of  Europe,  the  Granvilles,  the  Clarendons,  the 
Gladstones,  the  Bismarcks,  and  the  Gortchakoffs,  all 
those  who,  from  1833  to  1877,  were  famous  in  France  in 
the  course  of  three  generations. 

Sainte-Beuve  has  written  an  extremely  interesting  work, 
entitled  Chateaiibriajid  and  his  Group,  in  which  he  has 
arranged  about  the  principal  figure,  the  friends  and  famil- 
iars of  the  illustrious  author.  A  similar  work  for  Thiers, 
if   composed   by   as  able  a  hand,  would  be  of  superior 


The  Place   Saint- Georges.  289 

interest  of  itself  and  valuable  for  the  history  of  the  esprit 
francats  in  the  nineteenth  century. 

The  first  place  in  the  group  that  we  have  imagined, 
would  belong  to  the  friends  of  his  youth  and  the   com- 
panions of  his  early  political  career.     There  would  be  seen 
m  the  first  place.  Mignet,the  eminent  historian,and  a  writer 
remarkable  for  the  eloquent  vigor  and  elegant  purity  of 
his  style;  Charles  de  Remusat,  a  man  of  parts  and  of  a 
mental  acuteness  that  has  not  been  surpassed  ;  Cousin 
not  a  sound  philosopher,  but  a  writer  of  the  first  order' 
an  incomparable  talker,  sometimes  unjust  in  his  estimates' 
often  paradoxical,  but  always  brilliant ;  Barthelemy-Saint- 
Hilaire,  a  real  philosopher  in  respect  to  science,  firmness 
of  prmciples  and  elevation    of  character  ;    Dufaure     the 
statesman,  distinguished  for  the  logic  and  flexibility  of  his 
mmd;  and  others  like  M.  Calmon,- and  Casimir  Perier  son 
of  the  former  Premier  under  Louis-Philippe,  who  form 
as  It  were,  the  connecting  link  between  the  first  and  the 
second  generation,  which  begins  about   1840,  and  which 
preservmg  a  few  survivors  of  the  first,  still  lingers  to-day' 
In  this  new  group  should  be  placed  Grevy,  Henri  Mar- 
tm,  the  accomplished  historian,  Jules  Favre,  Jules  Simon 
Arago,   the  astronomer,   separated   a  little   from  Thiers 
politically,  but  always  united  by  the  common  tie  of   cul- 
ture and  intellectual  sympathy ;    LeVerrier,   the  famous 

froTX:i;f;^7;ire'X^^  ^<^P"^>  -  ^345  :  retired 

deputy  m   1874  I  and  now  (1S7S)  life-senato"  ^'^•ences.  ,„  1S72  ; 


290  Life  of  Thiers. 

astronomer,  an  intractable  character,  whom  Thiers  seems 
to  have  conquered  ;  Laboulaye,  the  friend  of  America, 
and  director  of  the  College  of  France ;  Bersot  of  the 
Journal  des  Dc'bats  ;  and,  at  a  little  later  period,  Prevost- 
Paradol,  Caro  of  the  French  Academy  and  Professor  of 
Philosophy  at  the  Sorbonne,  Janet  of  the  Sorbonne, 
and  About,  the  voluminous  writer,  all  men  of  distin- 
guished talents;  and  that  galaxy,  more  or  less  brilliant, 
of  journalists,  novelists  and  of  young  historians,  who  have 
not  yet  reached  their  zenith. 

It  is  indeed  difificult  to  imagine  the  topics  of  discussion, 
and  the  interest  of  the  conversation  among  such  men. 
All  the  faculties  of  the  mind  appeared  on  this  intellectual 
theatre,  enriched  with  so  many  wonders  of  art,  where 
everything  suggested  thought  and  excited  effort.  As 
Thiers,  according  to  Prevost-Paradol,  was  living  France, 
so  his  salon  was  a  brilliant  reflection  of  that  France.  In 
it  was  a  continual  exchange  of  ideas,  souvenirs,  anecdotes, 
stories,  where  ruled  incontestably  the  spirit  of  the  France 
of  the  nineteenth  century;  that  spirit,  free  from  preju- 
dices, tolerant,  recognizing  no  other  sovereign,  no  other 
royalty  than  that  of  the  mind,  exalting  only  reason, 
offspring  of  Descartes  and  Voltaire,  loving  truth  and  lib- 
erty, like  Thiers  himself,  more  or  less  sincerely  according 
to  the  varying  characteristics  of  persons,  but,  like  him, 
accepting  no  other  rule  of  life  than  that  imposed  by 
truth  and  liberty. 

It  can  excite  envy  in  nobody's  breast,  if  we  endeavor 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  291 

to  give  an  idea  of  the  conversational  lustre  of  Thiers's 
salon,  and  point  out  the  large  share  of  wit  and  learning 
that  emanated  there  from  the  distinguished  host  himself. 
The  mots  and  anecdotes  that  we  have  already  recounted, 
present  the  less  important  side  of  the  picture.  They  are 
only  the  small  coin  that  tells  of  the  immense  treasures 
within.  To  grasp  the  whole  intellectual  grandeur  of  the 
spirit  that  pervaded  Thiers's  salo7i,  to  pierce  beneath  the 
petty  details  of  daily  talk,  which,  if  we  except  the  form, 
is  about  the  same  everywhere,  in  the  Faubourg  Saint- 
Germain  as  in  the  Faubourg  Saint-Honore,  at  New  York 
as  at  Paris, — to  see  into  the  depths  of  the  soul  of  the 
hotel  of  the  Place  Saint-Georges,  we  have  only  to  read  a 
few  chosen  pages  from  the  writings  of  the  historian,  the 
journalist  and  the  art  critic.  Thiers,  by  his  abandon,  his 
unstudied  ease  of  manner,  by  his  naturalness,  by  the  free- 
dom of  his  style,  carried  sometimes  even  to  carelessness, 
— is  very  often,  with  his  pen  in  his  hand,  just  as  he  was 
when  standing  in  his  parlors  in  the  midst  of  an  attentive 
circle,  or  seated  at  a  tete-a-tete  with  some  official  or  privi- 
leged personage.  It  is  only  necessary  to  add  the  accent, 
the  gesture  and  the  play  of  the  features.  And  the  pic- 
ture may  be  rendered  still  more  realistic,  by  reading  the 
fragments  of  the  conversations  scattered  here  and  there, 
and  published  by  some  of  his  auditors  whose  reports  can 
be  depended  upon,  for  Thiers  was  one  of  those  whose 
thought  once  spoken,  especially  in  private,  was  engraved 
on  the  memory  in  lines  that  are  never  effaced. 


292  Life  of  Thiers. 

We  wish,  in  order  to  give  more  completeness  to  the 
sketch,  to  present  a  few  of  the  opinions  emanating  from 
the  salon  of  the  Place  Saint-Georges  and  inspired  in  the 
host  by  the  objects  that  surrounded  him,  and  with 
which  he  was,  so  to  speak,  penetrated  ;  for  it  was  amid 
his  art  treasures  that  Thiers  thought  and  wrote.  We 
will  thus  view  Thiers  in  a  light  in  which  he  is  not  generally 
regarded,  but  in  which  he  must  be  seen  to  be  thoroughly 
comprehended.  Thiers  was  an  art  critic  as  well  as  an 
amateur  of  the  first  order,  and  his  judgments,  like  his 
preferences,  have  a  value. 

M.  Charles  Blanc,  who  frequented  the  salon  of  the 
Place  Saint-Georges,  gives  a  very  exact  idea  of  its  char- 
acter by  recalling  some  of  Thiers's  printed  criticisms, 
and  some  of  the  conversations  had  with  him.  He  cites 
the  following  description  of  David's  picture  of  the  Death 
of  Socrates,  and  of  Delacroix's  Dante  and  Virgil  in  Hell, 
criticisms  written  in  Thiers's  younger  days  for  the  Con- 
stitutionnel  : 

"  Socrates  in  his  prison,  seated  on  a  bed,  points  to  the 
heavens,  which  indicates  the  nature  of  his  conversation  ; 
he  receives  the  cup,  which  recalls  his  condemnation  ;  he 
moves  to  drink  off  its  contents,  which  announces  his 
philosophic  absorption  and  his  sublime  indifference  to 
death.  The  epic  poet  chooses  what  aids  his  narration, 
the  tragic  poet  what  pertains  to  the  drama,  the  painter 
what  can  become  visible." 

In  speaking  of  Delacroix,  he  said : 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  293 

*'  No  picture,  it  seems  to  us,  reveals  more  clearly  the 
future  of  a  great  painter,  than  that  of  M.  Delacroix  rep- 
resenting Dante  and  Virgil  in  Hell.  It  displays  great  talent 
and  is  full  of  promise.  Here  is  found  the  selfishness  and 
despair  of  hell.  In  this  subject,  bordering  in  fact  upon  ex- 
aggeration, there  is,  however,  a  severity  of  taste  and  a  local 
fitness  that  exalt  the  design,  which  some  stern  but  poor 
judges  might  reproach  with  a  lack  of  nobility.  The 
pencil  is  large  and  firm ;  the  color  vigorous,  though  a 
little  harsh.  The  author  sketches  his  figures,  groups 
them  and  bends  them  at  his  will,  with  the  boldness  of 
Michel  Angelo  and  the  fertility  of  Rubens.  I  know 
not  what  souvenirs  of  great  artists  seize  me  when  I  look 
on  this  picture.  I  find  there  that  wild,  burning  but 
natural  power  which  produces  enthusiasm  without  effort." 

The  critic  is  found  to  hold  the  same  opinions,  ex- 
pressed with  the  same  vivacity,  more  than  fifty  years 
afterwards.  Michel  Angelo  was  Thiers's  great  admiration. 
One  day,  when  on  the  point  of  departing  for  Athens, 
M.  Charles  Blanc  went  to  bid  Thiers  good-by,and  receive 
his  commissions,  the  latter  said  to  him,  as  if  respond- 
ing to  a  remark  which  M.  Blanc  was  about  to  utter: 
"Yes,  without  doubt,  yes,  the  Pantheon  has  the  first 
prize,  of  course  ;  but  let  us  talk  about  the  second  prize 
and  the  honorable  mention."  He  thus  characterized  his 
personal  preference,  and  the  independence  of  his  admira. 
tion.  On  another  occasion,  when  the  same  person  said 
to  Thiers  that  he  had  a  decided  preference  for  the  Renais- 


294  ^?/"^  ^f  T^fiiers. 

sance,  which  was  indeed  true,  Thiers  interrupted  him 
abruptly  to  show  him  the  Apollo^  the  Lizard-killer,  and 
\)i\&  Satyr  playing  on  a  flute.  "There  is  the  standard  of 
the  beautiful,"  he  said  ;  "  it  should  always  be  within  sight. 
Believe  me,  that  I  have  not  ventured  on  this  ocean  of  in- 
numerable varieties  of  human  art,  without  knowing  the 
safe  spots  to  cast  anchor." 

At  another  time,  M.  Blanc  and  Thiers  were  looking  at 
one  of  those  lacquered  boxes,  bright  with  aventurine, 
and  filled  with  satin  neck-handkerchiefs,  Chinese  crape, 
furs  of  Thibetan  goats,  and  Liliputian  slippers,  when  M. 
Blanc  brought  a  smile  to  Thiers's  face  by  remarking: 
"  May  we  not  believe  that  a  Mongol  Jupiter,  wishing  to 
seduce  the  Danaes  of  Nankin,  caused  this  rain  of  gold 
to  fall  into  their  wardrobes?"  "  The  god  of  the  arts," 
replied  Thiers,  "has  not  disinherited  any  part  of  the 
world.  Each  people  has  attained  in  its  way  a  perfec- 
tion that  the  others  have  not  reached.  This  one  has 
a  genius  for  form,  that  one  for  color  and  decoration. 
Some  share  the  greatness  of  conceptions,  others  the 
beauty  of  materials.  In  those  latitudes  where  humanity, 
left  to  itself,  could  not  have  created  for  itself  the  enjoy- 
ments and  the  consolations  of  art,  nature  has  kindly 
come  to  the  aid  of  man  by  furnishing  him  wonderful 
substances,  splendid  colors,  materials  which  await  and 
provoke  the  genius  of  the  workman." 

"  So  speaking,"  says  M.  Blanc,  "  M.  Thiers  unrolled 
before  us  some  of  those  very  long  silk  strips,  on  which 


The  Place   Saint- Georges.  295 

the  Chinese  artists  had  represented  fantastic  designs  in 
the  richest  colors,  and,  at  every  instant,  the  most  piquant 
and  serious  reflections  were  suggested  to  the  mind  of  the 
illustrious  amateur,  which  showed  that  art  was  for  him 
what  it  really  is,  the  splendid  form  of  the  idea,  and  that 
he  was  better  qualified  than  anybody  else  to  inter- 
pret it." 

Among  the  drawings  in  Thiers's  collection  is  one  of 
extreme  beauty  from  the  pen  of  Leonardo  da  Vinci, 
where  are  delineated  with  incomparable  skill  and  vigor, 
the  figures  of  a  number  of  knights  on  horseback,  fighting 
with  live  skeletons  on  foot.  The  latter  have  the  best  of 
the  contest ;  they  unhorse  the  knights,  strike  horror  into 
them,  and  kill  them  with  their  lances.  This  very  precious 
sketch,  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  study  made  by  Leo- 
nardo for  the  celebrated  cartoon,  which  he  was  going  to 
paint  in  competition  with  Michel  Angelo.  for  the  ducal 
palace  at  Florence.  Thiers  saw  in  it  the  embodiment  of 
a  thought  of  Macchiavelli,  that  infantry  would  in  the  end 
supersede  cavalry,  that  is  to  say,  that  nobility  would  be 
one  day  vanquished  by  the  people.  "  They  are  strug- 
gling, those  starved  wretches,"  said  Thiers,  "  to  infuse  a 
little  divine  justice  into  human  institutions." 

To  those  who  are  familiar  with  art  questions  in  France, 
it  is  very  easy  to  see,  by  the  nature  of  these  various 
opinions,  that  Thiers  was  of  no  party.  He  has  been  ac- 
cused of  being  classic.  He  was  indeed  classic,  by  his 
style   and    by   his   preference^   for   the  language  of    the 


296  Life  of  Thiers. 

seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  He  it  was  who 
wrote,  a-propos  of  M.  de  Fontanes's  *  Eulogy  on  Washing- 
ton, prepared  at  the  request  of  the  first  Consul :  "M.  de  Fon- 
tanes,  a  pure  and  brilliant  writer,  the  last  who  has  employed 
that  French  language,  formerly  so  perfect,  but  buried  to- 
day with  the  eighteenth  century  in  the  abyss  of  the  past/'f 
This  preference  did  not  arise  wholly  from  what  he  called 
his  "  fanaticism  for  simplicity,"  but  because  the  language 
that  he  regretted,  and  which,  by  the  way,  is  not  com- 
pletely lost,  was  more  lively,  more  limpid,  and  stronger 
than  that  which,  under  the  influence  of  Chateaubriand 
and  his  school,  had  replaced  it.  But  the  independence 
of  his  judgments  was  not  fettered  by  his  preferences. 
For  him,  the  classic  idea  was  never  confined  within  the 
narrow  limits,  where  a  certain  school  of  the  time  of  his 
youth  endeavored  to  imprison  it.  Thiers  had  a  profound 
liking  for  the  poetry  of  Lamartine.  His  predilection  in 
art  was  in  general  for  original  minds,  proud  and  indepen- 
dent geniuses,  as  is  shown  by  his  passion  for  Michel 
Angelo  and  his  bold  opinion  of  Delacroix.  In  this  respect 
also  Thiers  was  with  his  time. 

Along  with  this  independent  spirit,  which  he  carried 
not  only  into  art — as  we  have  already  seen  in  his  political 
history — he  was  furthermore  possessed  of  that  feeling  so 


*  Marquis  de  Fontanes,  (i  757-1821),  the  French  poet  and  orator  ;  member 
of  the  Academy;  deputy  and  senator  under  the  first  Empire  ;  Grand-Master 
of  the  University  of  France  ;  and  member  of  the  Chamber  of  Peers  under 
the  Restoration. 

\  Consulate  and  Empire,  Vol.  I.,  p.  218. 


The  Place   Saint- Georges.  297 

powerful  in  the  society  of  to-day,  ambition,  the  desire  to 
rise.  Thiers's  mother  early  discovered  this  characteristic 
in  her  son.  She  said  to  Mignet  when  he  was  very 
young:  "  Adolphe  will  never  go  afoot.  He  will  catch  on 
behind  the  wagon,  then  he  will  work  forward  on  to  the 
seat,  throw  out  the  driver,  and  seize  the  reins  himself." 
Thiers's  after  life  did  indeed  realize  the  prediction  in  so 
far  as  it  concerned  his  ambitious  spirit.  His  History  of 
the  French  Revolution  was  the  first  and  grandest  result  of 
an  honest  and  noble  ambition.  But  he  did  not  mount 
upon  the  seat  for  the  sole  purpose  of  rising  and  seizing 
the  reins  of  power.  He  guided  honorably  the  chariot 
of  state  through  more  than  one  danger,  struggled  more 
than  once  to  keep  it  on  the  broad  highway,  and  finally 
raised  it  up  again  after  its  fall. 

All  Thiers's  gifts,  whether  of  mind  or  character,  were 
ever  kept  most  actively  employed,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  through  the  great  value  that  their  possessor  placed 
on  time,  and  because  of  his  insatiable  curiosity.  He  had 
traversed  all  the  paths  of  human  activity,  and  the  entire 
circle  of  knowledge.  And  he  was  not  satisfied  with  a 
general  glance :  in  everything  he  had  a  passion  for  de- 
tails. "  How  did  you  know  all  about  the  battle  of  Wag- 
ram  ?  "  an  old  officer  of  Napoleon  said  to  him  one  day. 
"I  was  there,  but  I  saw  nothing  of  all  this."  If  many 
errors  arc  found  in  his  history,  it  is  because  authors  are 
human.  His  enemies,  a  long  time  ago,  pictured  him  as 
"  impressing  everybody  into  his  service,  demanding   of 


298  Life  of  Thiers. 

everybody  information  for  his  History  of  the  French 
Revolution^  for,  in  all  his  works,  this  is  his  way  of  proceed- 
ing, by  forced  conversations  and  by  the  aid  of  other 
people's  memories.  He  is  more  the  mendicant  friar, 
than  the  Benedictine  monk  of  history."  Another  said 
very  wittily,  but  not  more  unjustly :  "  He  will  go  right 
up  to  Soult  and  tell  him  boldly,  that  he  did  not  leave 
Genoa  by  the  Gate  of  France  but  by  that  of  Italy ;  and 
if  Soult  were  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Salamanca,  he  will 
sustain,  amidst  the  applause  of  the  Chamber,  that  it  was 
in  the  left  leg  and  not  in  the  right,  as  Soult  had  always 
supposed,  and  he  will  prove  it  to  him  so  clearly,  that  the 
old  general,  to  satisfy  himself,  will  involuntarily  put  his 
finger  in  the  cavity  of  the  wound." 

The  criticism  here  proves  the  fact  that  is  questioned. 
The  passion  for  details  which  is  necessary  in  history  and 
in  life,  in  public  as  in  private  life,  and  which  may  also  be 
regarded  as  a  measure  of  activity,  was  found  developed 
to  the  highest  degree  in  Thiers. 

Old  age  did  not  change  him  in  this  particular  rTns~ 
curiosity  and  his  activity  remained  the  same.  We  have 
seen  him  in  his  study.  It  even  seemed  as  if  time  had 
only  increased  his  forces.  His  mental  power,  kept  cease- 
lessly on  the  alert,  had  given  him  a  robust  old  age,  and, 
which  is  rarely  the  case,  a  fruitful  old  age.  It  was  during 
the  last  years  of  his  life  that  he  put  forth  the  greatest 
activity,  and  that  his  efforts  were  the  most  useful.  During 
the  whole  term  of  his  busy  presidency,  his  eye  and  hand 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  299 

were  everywhere.     Throughout   the  insurrection   of  the 
Commune,  all  the  plans  of  attack  were  discussed  in  the 
Council  and  placed  under  his  eyes.     The  great  financial 
operations  were  studied  by  him   in   all  their  parts,  and 
even  to  the  sm.allest  items.     At  every  instant  he  was  be- 
sieged by  important,  inevitable  visits,  and  he  was  always 
ready.     The  tribune  and  the  committees  also  required  a 
large    portion    of    his    time,   and  they  never   found   him 
remiss.     He   even  gained   leisure   to   read   the   reception 
orations  delivered  before  the  French  Academy  ;  and,  when 
the  newly  elected   members  came  to  pay  him,  as  Presi- 
dent  of    the    Republic,   the   customary  visit,   after    their 
public  reception  by  the  Academy,  with  their  neatly  bound 
orations  in  their  hands,  he  liked  to  let  them  see  that  he 
had  carefully  read  their  efforts,  by  the  solid   and  piquant 
observations  that  he  expressed.     "I  will  never  forget," 
says   M.  Cuvillier-Fleury,  "  the  spirited   and    unexpected 
estimate  of    the    Commentaries   of    Caesar,  that    he    pro- 
nounced   in   our   presence,  on   the  day  when    I   had  the 
pleasure  of  presenting  to  him  the  author*  of  the  Siege  of 
Alesia,  the  historian  of  the   Condes,t  recently  elected   to 
the  Academy.     He  admired  the  vanquisher  of  Vercinget- 
orix,  and  recognized,  in  the  successful   rival   of  Pompey, 
the  powerful  genius  who  had  momentarily  suspended,  in 


*  The  Duke  d'Aumale,  son  of  Louis- Philippe.  On  April  3(1,  1873, 
Thiers  appeared  at  the  Academy  as  the  introducer  of  the  Duke  d'Aumale, 
who,  in  a  burst  of  gratitude,  praised  him  in  these  words  :  "  The  brave  and 
able  pilot  who  has  steered  the  ship  in  her  distress." 

\  History  of  the  Princes  of  Condif\^  the  title  of  the  duke's  work. 


300  Life  of  Thiers. 

the  Roman  world,  the  scourge  of  civil  war.  His  admira- 
tion stopped  there.  In  the  same  way  had  he  celebrated 
and  glorified  the  French  Caesar.  He  was  a  judicious  and 
earnest  admirer  of  the  genius  of  the  man,  but  never  the 
accomplice  or  dupe  of  the  dictator."* 

When  he  wished  to  accomplish  an  immediate  and  im- 
perious duty,  then  it  was  that  his  powers  of  work  and 
application,  that  his  contempt  or  toil,  showed  themselves, 
and  he  gave  himself  up  mind  and  body  to  the  perform- 
ance of  the  task.  His  journey  during  the  severe  winter 
of  1870  to  London,  Vienna  and  St.  Petersburg  will  be 
remembered  in  this  connection. 

At  this  point  belongs  a  very  characteristic  anecdote. 
It  occurred  at  Versailles  during  the  armistice,  at  the  end 
of  February,  1871.  Thiers,  accompanied  by  the  dele- 
gates of  the  Assembly  of  Bordeaux,  was  discussing  the 
conditions  of  peace  with  Bismarck  and  Moltke.  After 
the  preliminaries,  they  arrived  at  the  two  or  three  points 
in  dispute,  namely,  the  possession  of  Belfort,  the  amount 
of  the  indemnity,  etc.  Bismarck,  although  he  already 
knew  Thiers's  powers,  perceiving  not  only  his  ability  and 
his  sang-froid  but  his  utter  disregard  of  all  fatigue,  could 
not  help  expressing  astonishment.  The  end  was  still 
more  surprising.  The  discussion  lasted  a  long  time,  and 
was  drawing  to  a  close  when  the  dinner  hour  arrived.  The 
other  negotiators  retired  from  the  room  one  after  another, 
until  the  two  principal  personages,  Bismarck  and  Thier?,) 

*  M.  Fleury  in  the  Journal  dcs  Dcbats. 


TJic  Place  Saint- Georges.  301 

were  left  alone  to  debate  the  contested  points,  and  especial- 
ly the  cession  of  Belfort.  The  companions  of  Bismarck 
waited  a  long  time  for  their  chief,  impatient  to  sit  down  to 
table.  At  length  he  appeared,  very  hungry,  and  declar- 
ing that  Thiers  had  tried  to  conquer  him  by  famine. 
After  dinner,  the  cigars  lighted,  they  returned  to  the 
chamber  of  the  deliberations.  Thiers  was  still  there  look- 
ing over  documents.  During  that  whole  day  he  had 
only  taken  a  cup  of  coffee.  Bismarck  was  amazed. 
He  did  not  intend  to  be  forced  by  hunger  to  forget  his 
diplomatic  interests,  but  who  knows  whether  a  sentiment 
of  respect,  which  he  could  not  help  feeling  for  the  man 
who  disregarded  so  completely  his  physical  comforts, 
may  not  have  contributed  something  towards  a  with- 
drawal of  his  demand  for  the  cession  of  Belfort. 

M.  .Henri  Martin  has  recently  furnished  another  ex- 
ample of  Thiers's  great  patriotism,  and  which,  at  the 
same  time,  shows  the  tenderness  of   his  feelings. 

"  I  have  seen  him  weep  twice,"  says  M.  Martin  in  refer- 
ence to  Thiers  ;  "  this  man  whom  so  many  events  and  so 
many  years  seemed  to  have  hardened  to  all  the  blows  of 
fate.  It  was  when  he  brought  to  us  at  Bordeaux,  the  hu- 
miliating but  necessary  treaty,  which  he  was  forced  to  sign 
at  Versailles,  in  order  to  save  France  from  utter  ruin  ; 
and  it  was  when,  during  the  civil  war,  he  thought  one 
morning  that  the  Louvre  was  burning.  I  have  seen  him 
shed  tears  over  the  political  grandeur  and  the  intellectual 
grandeur  of  France,  both  given  over  to  sword  and  fire."* 
*  Speech  at  Laon,  August  27th,  187S. 


302  Life  of  Thiers. 

His  mental  vigor  and  firm  principles  did  not  become 
weaker  as  he  grew  older.  They  remained  the  same  to 
the  last  hour  of  his  life.  A  perusal  of  the  letter  to  his 
constituents*  will  show  what  strength  his  mind  had  re- 
tained under  the  weight  of  fourscore  years.  There  is 
not  a  word  in  this  document  which  suggests  old  age.  It 
breathes  the  force  and  vivacity  of  the  Protest  of  the 
Journalists  under  the  Restoration,  f  tempered  only  by 
the  gravity  of  a  personal  and  individual  situation. 
There  is  not  less  spirit,  strength  and  common  sense  dis- 
played in  this  arraignment  of  the  Duke  de  Broglie,  than 
in  that  of  Prince  Polignac  ;  and  Marshal  MacMahon  can 
find  no  more  comfort  in  the  last  document,  than  did 
Charles  X  in  the  first.  What  mental  energy  and  what 
logical  precision  in  that  passage,  where,  referring  to  the 
fall  of  the  different  governments  that  he  had  seen  succes- 
sively destroyed,  he  shows  the  cause  to  lie  in  their  con- 
tinual pretension  of  desiring  to  save  the  country  by  re- 
sisting its  wishes. 

But  it  was  not  only  strength  of  mind  and  character 
that  Thiers  preserved  to  the  last:  he  retained  also  his 
brilliancy,  gaiety  and  freshness  of  imagination. 

A  few  days  before  his  death,  which  he  did  not  expect 

so  soon,  though  he  often  thought  of    it,  he  desired    to 

read  ^schylus,  and  had   asked    M.  Bersot:}:  for  a  copy. 

M.  Bersot  sent  him  the  volume,  pretending   that   it  was 

*  See  Appendix  D.  \  See  page  36. 

:J:  M.  Bersot  is  the  director  of  the  Superior  Normal  School  at  Paris,  and 
a  member  of  the  Institute  of  France. 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  303 

a  prize  in  French  oratory,  for  the  speech  he  had  delivered 
to  the  citizens  of  Saint-Germain  a  short  time  before. 
The  idea  amused  Thiers  very  much,  and  he  acknowl- 
edged the  book  in  the  following  letter,  written  a  week 
before  his  death  : 


"  Saint-Germain,  August  2'jth,  1877. 

"  My  Dear  Master, who  are  a  model  for  us  all  in  talent, 
common  sense  and  fine  speech, — I  thank  you  for  the  prize 
in  French  oratory  which  you  have  awarded  me.  I  will 
put  the  little  volume  in  my  little  library,  which  is  not 
in  my  large  room  but  in  my  bed  chamber.  I  have 
there  a  hundred  small  volumes,  handy,  in  clear  type, 
plainly  bound,  clean  and  in  good  order ;  in  a  word,  made 
to  be  read,  and  not  to  be  looked  at  on  finely  polished 
shelves.  When  I  am  weary,  out  of  sorts,  sick  of  the 
opinions  of  our  conservatives,  I  turn  to  these  great 
minds,  with  whom  alone  I  wish  to  live.  There  it  is  that 
you  will  come  to  bid  me  a  last  farewell,  when  I  leave  this 
world  for  the  other,  where  we  will  find  what  we  loved 
and  esteemed.  In  the  meanwhile,  we  must  see  each 
other,  for  the  time  that  remains  to  me  cannot  be  long  ;  so 
— before  it  is  too  late — I  pray  you  to  arrange  with  Moussti 
Giraoud'-''  to  come  and  dine  with  us  some  day  this  week 
at  St.  Germain. 

"  Every  day  I  admire  more  and  more  this  beautiful 
region,  much  superior  to  Versailles  as   regards  taste  and 


*  The  Marseilles  pronunciation  of  Monsieur  Girand.  M.  Giraud,  Dean 
of  Ihe  Paris  Law  School,  was  a  friend  and  compatriot  of  Thiers  ;  tiiat  is,  he 
was  a  native  of  Marseilles. 


304  Life  of  TJiie7's. 

true  grandeur.     I   say  this  without"  any  allusion   to   the 
Versailles  of  to-day,  for  I  cannot   think   of  the  present 
with  a  volume  of  ^schylus  in  my  hand. 
"  Farewell. 

"  Yours  truly, 

A.  Thiers." 


Thiers  always  had — to  employ  an  image  of  his  cousin, 
the  poet  Andre  Chenier — "the  wings  of  hope."*  Dur- 
ing his  presidency,  in  the  midst  of  the  intrigues  of 
the  monarchical  factions,  whose  object  was  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Republic,  he  sometimes  said  in  his  fits  of  indig- 
nation, which  were  always  intense  :  "  They  will  kill  me." 
But  this  was  only  a  passing  mood.  He  soon  forgot  it 
and  was  at  work  again,  as  full  of  hope  as  ever,  saying,  as 
he  did  one  day  in  the  presence  of  one  of  our  friends  ; 
"  My  family  was  long-lived." 

The  day  after  his  fall — May  25th,  1873 — preparations 
for  his  departure  from  the  presidential  palace  of  the  Elysee 
were  actively  going  on,  in  order  that  Marshal  MacMahon 
might  enter  forthwith.  It  was  near  eleven  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  when  Thiers  was  told  that  the  municipal  council 
and  the  mayor  of  Versailles  wished  to  see  him.  He  was 
busy  taking  down,  with  his  own  hands,  a  picture  from 
the  wall,  when  the  visitors  were  introduced  into  the  cabi- 
net. The  visitors  smiled  as  Thiers  remarked  :  "  You  see 
I  am  moving."     On  all  sides  indeed  was  confusion  :  furni- 

*  L'illusion  feconde  habite  dans  mon  sein  ; 

J'ai  les  ailes  de  Tespdrance. —  The  Young  Captive. 


The  Place  Saint- Georges.  3o5 

ture  disarranged,  drawers  open,  piles  of  papers  and  books 
all  about,  trunks  blocking  up  the  passages,  everything 
indicating  that  the  hour  of  departure  was  near  at  hand. 
The  mayor,  M.  Rameau,*  spoke  in  the  name  of  the  coun- 
cil, and  Thiers  replied,  thanking  the  people  of  Versailles, 
and  praising  their  firm  and  moderate  republicanism.  Then, 
pointing  to  some  pictures  scattered  about  him,  he  con- 
tinued :  "  There  are  some  paintings  that  I  mean  to  give 
to  the  Louvre,  only  I  desire  that  Mme.  Thiers  may 
enjoy  them  until  my  death."  "  We  hope  then  that  this 
will  be  a  long  way  off,"  said  M.  Charton,f  then  deputy 
from  the  Yonne  and  member  of  the  council.  "  Don't 
fear,"  replied  Thiers ;  "  I  am  more  stubborn  than  Time." 
The  years  advanced  ;  he  was  approaching  his  end  with- 
out losing  confidence,  and,  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  this 
obstinate  faith  in  longevity,  the  sign  of  strong  natures,  as- 
sociated itself  not  less  with  his  ideas  than  with  his  plans. 
The  defeat  of  the  manoeuvre  of  May  i6th,  1877,  when  the 
Duke  de  Broglie  aimed  a  last  deadly  blow  at  the  Republic, 
was  never  doubted  for  an  instant  by  Thiers,  and  awakened 
in  him  a  belief  of  his  early  return  to  the  presidency.  On 
June  14th,  1877,  i"  the  midst  of  the  crisis,  he  wrote  the 
following  note  to  one  of  his  prefects,  whom  the  conspira- 
tors had  just  driven  from  ofifice. 


*  Rameau  (1809 — ),  who  was  mayor  of  Versailles  during  the  critical  period 
of  the  Prussian  occupation,  and  risked  his  life  more  than  once  in  the  interests 
of  the  city,  has  been  a  republican  deputy  since  1871. 

fCharton  (1807 — ),  author  and  republican  politician;  deputy  under  the 
February  Republic  ;  deputy  since  1871  ;  and  now  (1878)  senator. 


3o6  Life  of  Thiers, 

"  My  dear  former  and  future  prefect,  I  hope — I  am  re- 
sponding very  late  to  your  letter  of  May  28th.  Attribute 
it  only  to  the  difficulty  of  answering  all  that  is  written 
me,  and  always  rely  upon  my  perfect  esteem  and  my  sin- 
cere friendship.  Those  who  have  ousted  you  from  office 
are  fools,  in  the  opinion  of  all  France,  and  they  will  soon 
be  disarmed  by  her.  I  hope  this  will  be  accomplished 
without  great  commotion,  and  I  thoroughly  believe  it 
will  be. 

"  Heartily  yours, 

A.  Thiers." 


Was  it  this  feeling  that  made  him  so  serene  in  the 
midst  of  the  abuses  heaped  upon  him  by  the  reactionary 
newspapers,  which  favored  the  movement  of  May  i6th? 
Among  these  lampoons,  we  instance  the  following,  not 
that  it  is  one  of  the  severest,  for  in  reality  it  was  among 
the  mildest,  but  because  of  the  singular  coincidence  that 
belongs  to  it. 

The  Grelot,  a  caricaturing  paper,  published  on 
September  2nd,  1877,  the  day  before  Thiers's  death,  a 
sketch  representing  Thiers  holding  a  scythe  and  giving 
his  arm  to  Time,  who,  broken  down  and  bent,  supported 
himself  on  a  stick  and  hour-glass.  Both  advanced  smil- 
ing, walking  on  reactionary  newspapers,  among  others 
the  Soir,  the  Patrie,  the  Pays  and  the  Ordre.  On  the 
fragments  of  these  newspapers  were  seen  the  following 
sentiments :  "  By  this  time,  we  are  at  length  probably 
rid  of  the  sinister  old  man  who  has  been  the  author  of  so 


TJic   Place  Saint- Georges.  ^07 

many  crimes,  and  we  *  *  *  " — Ordrc.  "  The  sinister  old 
man  has  at  last  given  up  his  soul  to  the  devil.  He  is 
dead,  a  just  punishment  for  his  crimes.  May  so  perish 
those  who  *  *  *  " — Patric.  "  He  is  dead  *  *  *  " — 
Pays.  "  M.  Thiers  is  very  sick.  The  doctors  promise  to 
get  rid  of  him  for  us  *  "  *  " — Sozr.  At  the  bottom  of 
the  page  was  printed  the  customary  authorization  de- 
manded by  the  French  press  laws :  "  M.  Thiers  author- 
izes the  publication  of  the  present  design. — August  20th, 
1877."  The  caricature  appeared  on  September  2nd,  and 
on  September  3d  Thiers  was  dead  ! 

Thiers  liked  humor.  Caricatures  afforded  him  great 
amusement.  There  was  one  which  represented  him  as  a 
cavalry-man,  trailing  behind  him  a  long  sabre,  which  was 
entangled  in  his  short  legs.  He  was  delighted  with  this. 
He  had  a  military  temperament,  and  everything  that 
smacked  of  the  warrior  found  in  his  soul  a  ready  response. 

We  have  said  that  Thiers  had  a  high  sense  of  personal 
dignity.  He  ever  kept  it  in  view  ;  it  was  one  of  his 
sources  of  strength ;  he  even  confounded  it  with  his 
glory.  In  a  speech  delivered  in  1866  in  the  Corps  Legis- 
latif,  he  said  :  "  My  language  is  not  inspired  by  any  per- 
sonal hostility,  but  by  profound  convictions  with  which, 
as  a  child  of  '89,  I  was  born,  with  which,  become  a  man, 
I  have  lived,  for  which  I  have  sacrificed,  when  it  was  ne- 
cessary, all  personal  ambition,  and  with  which  I  will  die; 
for,  throughout  the  long  revolutions  that  I  have  expe- 
rienced, there  is  but  one   interest   that  I  hfive  wished  to 


3o8  Life  of  Thiers. 

guard,   and   that   I  wish  always  tc  guard,    namely,   my 
dignity." 

There  are  several  anecdotes  that  exhibit  this  feeling  in 
Thiers.  We  give  two.  Marshal  Mortier,  Duke  of  Tre- 
viso,  attached  great  importance  to  titles  of  nobility. 
With  the  intention  doubtless  of  being  agreeable  to 
Thiers,  he  asked  him  one  day:  "  How  is  the  baroness?" 
"  Thank  you,"  was  the  simple  reply,  Thiers  not  wishing 
to  show  his  contempt  the  first  time.  But  a  few  days 
afterwards  the  marshal  repeated  the  disagreeable  greet- 
ing, whereupon  Thiers  remarked  :  "  1  am  much  obliged 
to  you  for  the  kind  interest  which  you  take  in  my  wife's 
health,  but  I  must  inform  you  that  I  am  not  a  baron,  and 
that  if  the  desire  seized  me  to  be  ennobled,  I  would  not 
•have  much  trouble  to  be  named  a  duke.  But  I  like  much 
better  to  be  called  simply  Monsieur  Thiers." 

When  Thiers  learned  that  Disraeli  had  been  elevated 
to  the  peerage,  he  said :  "  I  cannot  understand  how  when 
one  has  the  good  fortune  to  be  named  Benjamin  Disraeli, 
he  can  be  possessed  with  the  desire  to  be  called  Lord 
Beaconsfield." 

It  is  a  singular  fact,  that  he  who  living  cared  so  little  for 
the  calumnies  of  party  foes,  was  anxious  about  the  time 
when  he  would  no  longer  be  able  to  hear  them.  The  idea 
of  being  misjudged,  especially  by  his  contemporaries,  was 
of  course  disagreeable  to  him,  but  it  was  doubly  so  when 
he  thought  that  he  might  be  misunderstood  by  posterity. 
Along  with  respect  for  his  person,  he  had  respect  for  his 


TJic  Place  Saint- Georges.  309 

memory.  Having  learned  in  his  latter  years,  that  M. 
Taine  was  writing  a  book  on  the  French  Revolution, 
which  belittled  what  he  had  adored,  and  that  the  icono- 
clast— this  was  the  term  Thiers  used — aspired  to  his  place 
in  the  French  Academy,  he  selected  a  successor  to  his 
liking.  It  was  Thiers  who  suggested  M.  Henri  Martin, 
the  distinguished  historian,  to  his  friends  in  the  Acad- 
emy. He  wished  to  be  sure  of  having  a  sympathetic 
and  equitable  interpreter,  capable  of  presenting  him  in 
his  true  light  as  a  representative  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion and  of  modern  thought,  in  short,  of  "  living 
France."  " 

*  On  the  entrance  of  a  new  member  into  the  French  Academy,  it  is  the 
custom  that  he  deliver  an  eulogy  on  the  academician  whom  he  replaces.  M. 
Martin  was  elected  June  13th,  1878,  to  the  seat  made  vacant  by  Thiers's 
death,  and  M.  Taine,  who  has  since  been  elected,  was  the  candidate  who 
opposed  him.  The  work  of  M.  Taine  referred  to  by  M.  Thiers,  is  entitled 
the  Originof  Contemporary  France,  {Lesotiginesde  la  Fiance contemporaine). 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE   LAST   DAYS   OF   THIERS. 

In  the  afternoon  of  Monday,  September  3d,  1878,  it 
became  known  that  Thiers  had  died  at  Saint-Germain-'eiv" 
Laye,  where  he  had  been  passing  several  days.  He  had 
left  Dieppe,  on  the  coast,  a  short  time  before,  less  to 
escape  the  too  bracing  air  of  the  sea,  than  to  be  near 
Paris,  in  order  to  follow  more  closely  the  political  struggle 
then  in  progress.  At  Saint-Germain  he  continued  to  work, 
write  and  receive  visitors.  Ten  days  previous,  he  had 
made  a  strong  and  spirited  speech.  The  day  before  his 
death,  he  went  to  Poissy,  a  small  town  near  Saint-Germain, 
to  see  Meissonier,  the  artist,  who  was  going  to  paint  his 
portrait.  He  returned  early  to  Saint-Germain,  where  he 
spent  the  evening  with  some  friends.  He  was  in  good 
spirits,  and  talked  with  his  usual  force  and  raciness.  The 
;  conversation  turned  on  \.\\q:  fete  des  Loges*  One  of  those 
who  had  just  returned  from  the  festivities,  was  describing 
the  amusements  then  in  progress.     Thiers  listened  with 

*  In  the  forest  of  Saint-Germain,  at  the  end  of  a  broad  avenue,  are  the 
Loges,  a  number  of  buildings  used  as  an  educational  establishment  for  the 
daughters  of  members  of  the  Legion  of  Honor.  On  the  broad  green  be- 
fore this  school,  occurs  the  most  popular  public  fete-champitre  of  the  envi- 
rons of  Paris. 


yET.  80.]  Last  Days  of  Thiers.  311 

enjoyment,  interrupting  the  narrator  from  time  to  time, 
to  relate  some  recollection  of  his  younger  days,  sug- 
gested by  the  conversation.  He  passed  an  excellent 
night,  and  had  even  done  some  work.  He  arose  at  five 
in  the  morning.  He  intended  going  to  Paris  on  that 
day,  as  M.  Barthelemy-Saint-Hilaire  had  made  an  engage- 
ment for  him,  between  three  and  four  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, to  meet  several  persons,  among  others  Gambetta, 
at  the  hotel  oi  the  Place  Saint-Georges. 

After  working  until  seven  o'clock,  he  took  a  two  hours' 
walk  on  the  terrace  of  Saint-Germain,  leaning  on  the  arm 
of  his  servant.  From  the  terrace,  is  a  beautiful  view  of 
the  broad  valley  of  the  Seine,  with  a  portion  of  Paris, 
and  a  dim  outline  of  the  historic  church  of  St.  Denis,  on 
the  horizon.  Thiers  never  wearied  of  this  grand  and 
suggestive  panorama.  On  returning  from  this  his  last 
walk,  he  made  a  few  turns  in  the  pretty  little  garden  of 
the  hotel,  stopping  a  moment  at  the  stable  to  see  his 
horses,  for  which  he  had  a  strong  attachment,  and  enter- 
ing his  study,  took  up  his  work,  which  he  continued 
until  the  hour  of  dejeuner.  Very  much  occupied  at  this 
moment  with  his  letter  to  his  constituents,"  and  deprived 
of  his  first  secretary,  M.  Aude,  who  was  sick,  he  exerted 
his  strength  to  a  greater  degree  than  ordinarily.  This 
circumstance,  perhaps,  hastened  his  end.  It  can  be  said, 
however,  to  use  the  words  of  Montaigne,  that  "  never  did 
man  live  longer  in  death.  ' 

*  See  Appendix  D. 


312  Life  of  Thiers.  [1877. 

At  dejeuner  he  ate  with  rehsh  until  dessert,  but  then  a 
sudden  change  in  his  face  occurred.  He  placed  his  hand 
on  his  forehead,  where  he  felt  an  intolerable  heaviness ; 
his  mouth  began  to  shrivel,  and  his  eye  grow  dim  ;  he 
could  scarcely  articulate  some  incoherent  words,  and  sank 
unconsciously  into  an  arm-chair.  Dr.  Le  Piez,  fils,^ — who 
took  the  place  of  Dr.  Barthe,  the  regular  physician  and 
friend  of  Thiers — was  immediately  called.  Dr.  Le  Piez  on 
arriving,  saw  that  it  was  the  beginning  of  serous  apoplexy. 
He  applied  sinapisms  to  the  patient's  legs,  and  leecHesto 
the  nape  of  his  neck.  All  was  useless.  Thiers  had,  in  the 
meanwhile,  been  carried  to  a  bed,  and  was  unconscious. 
When  Dr.  Barthe — informed  of  the  sad  occurrence  by 
telegraph — arrived  at  four  o'clock,  he  had  only  to  glance 
at  the  patient  to  see  that  all  was  lost.  The  eyes  opening 
for  an  instant  immediately  closed ;  the  pulse  beat  but 
feebly  ;  the  limbs  were  growing  stiff.  At  six  o'clock  and 
five  minutes  Thiers  was  dead. 

The  following  letter  from  M.  G.  Barbotte,  the  pro- 
prietor of  the  Hotel  du  Pavilion  Henri  IV,  where  Thiers 
died,  contains  some  interesting  particulars  of  his  last  days 
at  Saint-Germain  : 


*  On  Thiers's  arrival  at  Saint-Germain,  he  sent  for  M.  Le  Piez,  and  said 
to  him:  "I  have  often  heard  you  mentioned  in  Paris,  sir.  As  Barthe  is 
going  away,  you  are  to  be  my  physician.  Begin  by  making  my  acquaint- 
ance and  feeling  my  pulse."  This  was  said  in  a  gay  tone,  and  Dr.  Le  Piez 
little  thought  that  the  end  of  his  distinguished  patient  was  so  near. 


^-et.  75.]  ^st  Days  of  Thiers.  313 

''Hdtel  du  Pavilion  Henri  IV, 

^^Saint-Germain,  August  ^isf,  1878. 

"Sir: 

"  M.  Thiers  arrived  from  Dieppe,  August  22nd,  1877,  at 
4.25.  Mme.  Thiers  was  with  him.  They  had  engaged 
the  second  floor  of  the  hotel,  charming  apartments,  whose 
windows  looked  out  on  the  valley  of  the  Seine.  The  suite 
was  composed  of  a  parlor  and  five  bed-rooms.  The  two 
rooms  near  the  parlor  were  occupied  by  Mile.  Dosne,*  who 
joined  the  party  a  few  days  after  their  arrival.  The  others 
were  occupied  by  the  servants.  It  is  a  peculiarity  worthy 
of  remark,  that  the  beds  were  not  those  of  the  hotel. 
Like  Louis-Philippe,  M.  Thiers  and  his  wife  slept  each  in 
a  little  folding-bed,  which  they  always  carried  with  them 
when  traveling. 

"  The  life  of  the  illustrious  statesman  was  very  regular. 
In  the  morning  he  arose  at  five  o'clock.  His  valet  de 
chambre,  Louis,  gave  him  a  cup  of  cafe  noir  at  six  o'clock. 
Then  he  worked  about  two  hours.  Morel,  his  valet  de 
pied,  came  at  eight  o'clock  to  take  him  to  walk  on  the 
terrace,  a  promenade,  by  the  way,  that  he  liked  very 
much.  He  returned  about  half  past  nine,  slept  two  hours, 
and  then  took  dejewier  with  Mme.  Thiers  and  Mile. 
Dosne.  He  sometimes  received  visitors  at  this  repast, 
but  not  very  often.  The  meal  was  simple,  they  talked  a 
little,  and  then  work  was  resumed  and  continued  until 
five  o'clock,  when  he  went  out  again  for  a  walk.  After 
this,  he  slept  again  until  eight  o'clock,  at  which  hour  he 
was  awakened  for  dinner.  After  dinner  he  went  to  his 
desk,  where  he  remained  until  one  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
He  scarcely  ever  slept  through  the  night,  without  waking 

*  Mme.  Thiers's  sister. 


314  Life   of  Thiers.  [1877. 

up  several  times,  and  calling  the  servant  to  bring  him  pen 
and  paper  in  order  to  make  notes. 

"  M.  Thiers  often  stopped  to  talk  with  us,  and  liked  to 
find  out  the  names  of  the  guests  at  the  hotel  at  the  same 
time  with  himself.  The  wonderful  facility  with  which  M. 
Thiers  conversed  on  all  subjects  has  frequently  been 
noticed.  He  often  did  me  the  honor  to  talk  with  me 
about  the  supplying  of  our  markets,  and  T  must  say  that 
he  spoke  with  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  subject,  even  in 
its  smallest  details. 

"Three  days  after  his  arrival,  a  deputation  of  the  princi- 
pal republicans  of  Saint-Germain,  came  to  welcome 
him  to  our  city,  M.  Thiers  responded  with  a  few  affec- 
tionate remarks,  and  finished  his  speech  by  repeating 
these  words  that  he  had  pronounced  on  a  former  occa- 
sion :  '  Before  separating,  let  me  again  say  what  I  have 
already  said  to  you  :  the  Republic  will  remain  conservative 
or  it  will  cease  to  exist.' 

"  The  night  before  his  death,  he  was  photographed  on 
the  hotel  stoop.  *  *  *  Qn  September  2nd,  he  prom- 
ised to  meet  Messrs.  Gambetta,  Calmon  and  Barthelemy- 
Saint-Hilaire  at  the  Place  Saint-Georges,  on  the  4th. 
On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  he  rang  to  have  the  hour  of 
dejeuner  made  earlier,  that  he  might  take  the  12.55  train. 
He  sat  down  to  table  in  fine  spirits  and  with  a  good  appe- 
tite. The  repast  consisted  of  kidneys,  cold  chicken,  yfio^- 
eolets  and  pickles.  He  remarked  that  he  never  felt  better. 
But,  in  the  midst  of  the  meal,  he  became  indisposed,  asked 
for  air  and  requested  Mme.  Thiers  to  untie  his  cravat. 
The  physician  was  sent  for,  but  all  efforts  were  then  too 
late." 

"  Yours  very  respectfully, 

Barbotte." 


^T.  8i.]  Last  Days  of  Thiers.  3i5 

The  news  of  the  event  spread  immediately  throughout 
Saint-Germain,  and  produced,  at  the  same  time,  surprise 
and  consternation.  Silent  and  sad  groups  of  people 
formed  in  front  of  the  Pavilion  Henri  IV.  Dispatches 
had  been  sent  to  Thiers's  old  friends:  to  M.  Barthelemy- 
Saint-Hilaire  at  Paris,  to  Mignet  and  M.  Calmon,  the  first 
at  Aix,  the  second  at  Chatellerault.  M.  Barthelemy- 
Saint-Hilaire  arrived  at  Saint-Germain  at  nine  o'clock, 
bowed  with  sorrow.  At  about  this  same  hour  the  fatal 
news  was  circulated  at  Paris,  where  it  produced  an  in- 
describable impression.  Since  the  death  of  Mirabeau, 
nothing  similar  had  been  known  in  this  great  city,  so  sus- 
ceptible, however,  to  the  emotions  of  public  life,  and 
which  had  seen  so  many  celebrated  men  die. 

The  next  morning,  September  4th,  b}-  the  first  train, 
visitors  began  to  arrive  at  Saint-Germain,  and  they  made 
haste  to  express  to  the  family  of  the  illustrious  deceased, 
the  sorrow  of  the  public  and  their  own  private  sympathy. 

Thiers  was  laid  out  on  a  a  little  folding  bed,  in  a  sombre 
and  simple  room,  looking  out  on  the  valley  of  the  Seine. 
All  the  blinds  were  shut,  except  one,  by  which  entered 
an  uncertain  light,  that  added  to  the  dolefulness  of  the 
apartment.  The  bed  was  placed  directly  in  front  of  this 
open  blind.  The  head,  half  lighted  up,  detached  itself 
from  the  dark  background.  The  features  had  preserved 
in  death,  during  the  first  hours,  their  character  so  emi- 
nently personal.     It  was  indeed  Thiers  as  all  Paris  knew 


3i6  Life  of  Thiers.  \\'^ii. 

him,  the  Thiers  of  Bonnat's  portrait,*  only  paler,  more 
reposed  and  more  severe.  He  was  dressed  in  a  long 
white  robe,  open  at  the  throat,  the  hands  lying  outside 
the  sheet,  and  on  his  feet  was  a  tartan  shawl,  grey  and 
red,  which  he  was  often  accustomed  to  throw  over  him- 
self when  cold. 

Among  the  first  visitors,  was  Meissonier,  the  artist. 
He  began  immediately  to  trace  the  face  of  the  dead, 
and  worked  nearly  three  hours  at  a  portrait.  At  the 
same  time,  M.  Breunt,  the  photographer,  took  a  photo- 
graph, and  M.  Desuchez  and  M,  Alfred  Lenoir,  sent  by  M. 
Gillaume,  director  of  the  School  of  Fine  Arts  at  Paris, 
proceeded  to  make  a  mould  of  the  face. 

The  next  day,  September  5th,  the  body  was  transport- 
ed to  Paris,  arriving  at  the  hotel  of  the  Place  Saint- 
Georges  at  half-past  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  A 
silent  and  sympathetic  crowd, — in  which  all  classes  of  so- 
ciety were  represented,  though  workingmen  in  their 
blouses  predominated — had  collected  in  the  square  and  in 
the  neighboring  streets.  The  body  was  carried  to  the 
second  floor  and  placed  in  Thiers's  study,  which  was 
transformed  into  a  cJiapelle  ardcntc.  A  great  number  of 
senators,  deputies  and  persons  of  all  ranks  immediately 
filed  by  the  body,  as  it  lay  there,  surrounded  with  the 
burning  wax  candles.  Early  the  next  morning,  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  Jwtel  were  filled  by  a  mass  of  people 

*  The  portrait  at  the  beginning  of  this  volume  is  engraved  from  an  eait- 
forte  of  Bonnat's  celebrated  picture. 


,et.  8i.]  Last  Days  of  Thiers.  317 

come  to  insert  their  names  in  the  register,  placed  in  the 
garden  for  that  purpose.  A  line  over  a  hundred  yards 
long  and  five  or  six  persons  broad  was  formed  on  the 
sidewalk  of  the  rue  Saint-Georges.  The  policemen  de- 
tailed to  keep  order,  allowed  only  about  a  dozen  to  ap- 
proach the  registers  at  once.  After  inserting  the  name, 
each  visitor  mounted  the  stairs  to  view  the  body  and 
quietly  retired.  This  silent  grief  touched  everybody's 
heart.  The  spectacle  continued  up  to  the  day  of  the 
funeral, — the  same  mute  sorrow,  the  same  vast  con- 
course. 

Public  woe  was  seen  on  all  sides,  and  was  expressed  in 
various  ways.  All  the  republican  newspapers  appeared 
in  black,  and  filled  with  articles  of  regret  and  eulogy. 
The  republican  deputies  met  the  first  day  and  drew  up 
an  Address  to  the  country  to  deplore  the  loss  of  the 
illustrious  citizen,  and  to  attest  their  attachment  to  the 
firm  and  prudent  policy  which  he  had  marked  out. 
The  French  Academy — convened  as  usual  for  its  Thurs- 
day meeting — adjourned  forthwith  as  a  sign  of  respect. 
The  Council-General  of  the  department  of  the  Seine, 
and  the  Municipal  Council  of  Paris  decided  to  partici- 
pate officially  in  the  funeral  ceremonies.  The  students 
of  the  Paris  Law  School,  Medical  School,  School  of 
Fine  Arts,  and  other  educational  institutions,  likewise 
voted  to  take  part  in  the  funeral.  The  merchants  of 
the  principal  commercial  quarters  of  Paris  resolved  to  close 
their  stores  on  the  day  of  interment,  as  a  sign  of  "national 


3i8  Life  of  Thiers.  \}^ii. 

mourning."  From  all  parts  of  France,  from  many  of  her 
cities,  from  the  French  residents  in  foreign  lands,  came 
addresses  of  condolence  to  Mme,  Thiers.  The  cities  of 
Alsace  and  Lorraine  were  the  first  to  pay  their  tribute  of 
respect  to  the  illustrious  dead.  The  inhabitants  of  Belfort 
decided  to  send  an  immense  crown  of  flowers  to  be  laid 
on  the  coffin. 

Foreign  nations  participated  in  this  sorrow  of  France. 
"  Europe  has  just  lost  its  only  great  statesman,"  said 
Bismarck,  and  he  ordered  Prince  Hohenlohe,  who  was 
at  that  moment  in  Germany,  to  return  to  his  post  as 
ambassador  to  France,  and  take  part  in  the  obsequies. 
Prince  Gortchakoff  wrote :  "  A  great  light  has  just  been 
extinguished  in  Europe,  at  a  moment  when  the  political 
horizon  is  obscure."  The  President  of  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  of  Vienna  sent  Mme.  Thiers  a  telegram,  ex- 
pressing his  regrets  at  the  death  of  her  husband,  and  re- 
cognizing the  services  he  had  rendered  the  cause  of  con- 
stitutional government.  The  Belgian  Assembly  decided 
to  take  part  in  the  funeral  ceremonies,  in  recognition  of 
what  the  deceased  had  done  for  Belgium,  especially  in 
favoring  the  expedition  against  Antwerp.*  The  great 
families  of  Vienna,  Rome,  and  of  most  of  the  capitals  of 
Europe,  sent  Mme.  Thiers  messages  of  condolence.  At 
Washington,  the  national  flag  was  displayed  at  half-mast 
on  all  the  public  buildings,  out  of  respect  for  Thiers's 
memory.     This  act  of  regard  would  not  have  touched  his 

*  See  page  65  and  second  foot-note. 


.et.  8i]  Last  Days  of  Thiers.  319 

heart  the  least,  if  that  heart  had  still  beat.  His  speech 
of  1846 — which  we  have  already  referred  to  * — shows 
what  a  high  opinion  he  had  of  the  great  trans-Atlantic 
republic. 

The  expressions  of  eulogy  and  regret  were  unanimous, 
except  in  governmental  circles,  and  in  the  midst  of  the 
reactionary  parties,  united  at  this  moment  to  check  the 
great  political  work  that  Thiers  had  so  powerfully  aided. 
The  Ministry  at  first  endeavored  to  cloak  its  real  sen- 
timents. Marshal  MacMahon,  absent  at  this  moment, 
telegraphed  that  the  death  of  Thiers  ought  to  be  made  a 
national  manifestation  and  not  a  party  affair.  This  was 
a  wise  and  worthy  idea,  but  it  could  not  be  realized,  for 
the  Government  vas  at  this  very  hour — without  the  Mar- 
shal knowing  it  perhaps — the  Government  of  a  party,  and 
it  was  not  able  to  dissemble  the  fact.  The  Ministry 
wished  to  regulate  the  ceremony,  to  strip  it  of  its  national 
charactf.r,  and  to  make  it  a  simple  of^cial  manifestation. 
On  September  4th,  a  decree  announced  that  the  obsequies 
of  Thiers  would  be  conducted  by  the  State,  which  would 
have  given  the  Duke  de  Broglie  the  right  to  regulate  the 
ceremony  to  suit  his  fancy.  Mme.  Thiers  refused  her 
consent,  not  being  willing  at  this  supreme  moment  to  see 
the  friends  of  her  husband  relegated  to  the  background, 
while  his  enemies  were  brought  forward  to  the  front. 
She,  therefore,  took  the  matter  of  the  arrangement  of  the 
procession   into  her  own  hands.      She  desired  that  the 

*  See  pages  121-2. 


320  Life  of  Thiers. 


[1877. 


pall-bearers  be  two  members  of  the  Institute,  the  ex- 
President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  and  Thiers's  ex- 
ministers  ;  that  only  these  speak  at  the  tomb,  and  that 
the  members  of  the  last  Chamber,  and  of  all  the  Cham- 
bers of  which  Thiers  had  been  a  member,  should  occupy 
the  place  ordinarily  given  up  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
These  conditions,  and  a  few  others  not  less  reasonable, 
were  repelled  by  the  Ministry,  and  a  second  decree  an- 
nulled that  of  September  4th,  and  rendered  Mme.  Thiers 
free  to  carry  out  her  wishes. 

The  population  of  Paris  keenly  resented  these  paltry 
proceedings,  by  giving  to  the  funeral  a  character  that 
would  have  best  satisfied  the  dea-d  Thiers,  and  which 
was  very  distasteful  to  his  enemies.  Never  did  the  people 
of  Paris  display  greater  calmness,  better  deportment  and 
more  tact.  Guibert,  Archbishop  of  Paris, — which  high 
position  he  owed  to  Thiers  —  refused  the  use  of  the 
Madeleine  for  the  funeral  service,  and  the  smaller  church 
of  Notre-Dame  de  Lorette  had  to  be  taken. 

But  the  demonstration  must  be  followed  step  by  step, 
to  comprehend  its  imposing  grandeur  and  its  remarkable 
significance.  Its  description  pertains  to  history.  It  was 
in  fact,  the  whole  of  France,  modern  France,  child  of  the 
new  civilization  and  of  the  free  thought  that  it  inspires, 
which  followed  the  cofifin  of  "  the  little  bourgeois^ 

Rain  fell  in  the  morning,  a  cold  heavy  rain  which  threat- 
ened to  continue  all  day,  and  which  caused  the  Fran^ais — 
the  Duke  de  Broglie's  newspaper — to  say :  "  We  count  on 


.^T.  i8.]  Last  Days  of   Thiers.  321 

the  inclemency  of  the  weather  to  frustrate  the  republican 
demonstration."  Nevertheless,  at  an  early  hour,  large 
bodies  of  people  began  to  direct  their  steps  towards  the 
Place  Saint-Georges.  From  the  Latin  Quarter — the  region 
of  the  great  Paris  schools — came  delegations  of  students. 
The  Faubourg  Montmartre  and  the  adjacent  streets,  the 
rue  Notre-Dame  de  Lorette  and  the  Place  Saint-Georges, 
were  the  theatre  of  unusual  commotion.  Soon  troops 
arrive,  clear  the  square  before  Thiers's  house,  and  only 
those  are  allowed  to  pass  who  have  cards  of  invitation. 

The  front  railing  and  the  large  vestibule  of  the  house 
were  heavily  draped  with  black.  Here  had  been  erected  a 
catafalque,  covered  with  black  velvet  and  besprinkled  with 
silver  stars.  Behind  it  stood  three  large  candelabra  with 
twenty  branches  each,  and  with  all  the  candles  burning. 
On  the  catafalque  lay  the  coffin,  quite  hidden  under  a 
mass  of  flowers  and  wreaths  of  immortelles.  On  either 
side  of  the  coflRn,  were  displayed  the  numerous  decora- 
tions of  the  deceased,  covered  with  a  veil  of  crape.  Sena- 
tors, deputies,  members  of  the  Institute,  and  other  dis- 
tinguished people  filled  the  adjoining  rooms.  The  magni- 
ficent hearse,  drawn  by  six  horses,  arrived  at  half  past 
eleven  o'clock.  A  half  hour  was  occupied  in  the  prepara- 
tions of  departure.  On  the  hearse  were  heaped  the 
wreaths  and  other  floral  offerings.  Among  these  was  an 
immense  wreath  made  of  white  and  blue  daisies  and  red 
roses,  and  bearing  the  motto,  "  The  Youth  of  Paris  to  M. 
Thiers."     Another  bore  the  inscription,  "  The  Frenchmea 


322  Life  of  Thiers.  [1877. 

of  California;"  a  second,  "The  United  States  to  M. 
Thiers;"  a  third,  "The  Legation  of  the  United  States, 
Messrs.  Washburne  and  Noyes."  The  procession  left  the 
house  at  a  few  minutes  past  noon  for  the  church.  Behind 
the  hearse  walked  a  servant,  carrying  on  a  rich  cushion 
the  various  insignia  and  decorations  of  the  deceased.  A 
mass  of  notabilities  of  all  grades  and  nations  accompan- 
ied the  remains  to  the  church. 

At  half  past  twelve  the  procession  entered  Notre- 
Dame  de  Lorette,  which  was  hung  with  black  both  inside 
and  outside.  The  pompous  ceremonies  of  the  Catholic 
church  over  the  dead  were  performed,  and  at  half-past 
one,  to  the  sound  of  martial  music,  the  procession  turned 
towards  the  cemetery. 

The  rain  had  ceased  to  fall  as  the  column,  taking  the 
course  of  the  main  boulevards,  commenced  its  march  to 
Pfere-Lachaise.  The  crowd  followed,  profound,  grave 
and  silent,  loaded  with  immortelles.  The  side  streets  and 
the  sidewalks  of  the  boulevards,  the  windows,  balconies 
roofs  and  chimneys  of  the  houses,  the  seats  of  carriages 
and  cabs,  and  the  tops  of  omnibuses  were  packed  with  peo- 
ple. The  stores  alone  were  shut.  Every  opening  was  filled 
with  faces.  People  sat  on  the  edge  of  windows  and  bal- 
conies, in  order  to  give  those  behind  a  chance  to  come 
nearer  the  passing  procession. 

Silence  ruled  along  the  whole  route.  When  it  was 
broken  for  an  instant,  it  was  admirable  to  see  how  quickly 
it  was  resumed  again.     Silence  was  the  republican  watch- 


JET,  8 1.]  Z^i"/  Days  of  Thiers.  323 

word  for  that  day.  The  young  men  from  the  schools, 
common  people,  the  workmen  were  the  first  to  signify  to 
the  crowd  the  necessity  of  restraining  its  feelings.  Some 
cries  were  heard  at  the  sight  of  the  Belfort  banner,  where 
the  name  of  the  city  stood  out  plainly  in  large  silver  let- 
ters on  a  black  background.  It  awakened  genuine  emo- 
tion. On  a  few  other  occasions  spontaneous  outbursts  of 
deep  feeling  came  from  the  impetuous  mass.  The  repub- 
licans of  Paris  could  not  resist  cheering  their  representa- 
tives so  harshly  treated  by  the  conspirators  of  May  i6th, 
1877.  Cries  of  "Long  live  Gambetta ! "  "Long  live 
Victor  Hugo  !  "  "  Long  live  Louis  Blanc  !  "  were  heard  at 
intervals,  mingled  with  "Long  live  the  Republic!  "  But 
the  sentiment  of  the  situation  ruled :  all  was  silence  at 
the  least  sign  from  the  leaders  in  the  procession.  This 
unanimity  of  feeling,  that  swayed  the  immense  throng 
lining  both  sides  of  the  course  throughout  its  length,  was 
very  remarkable :  it  proved  that  republican  Paris  had 
learned  self-control. 

When  the  procession  had  arrived  at  Pere-Lachaise,  the 
speeches  began  in  front  of  the  family  vault.  M.  Gr6vy, 
President  of  the  last  Chamber,  spoke  first.  His  oration — a 
true  manifestation  of  lofty  and  firm  reason,  especially  re- 
markable by  its  explanation  of  Thiers's  belict  in  repub- 
licanism— was  received  with  a  hearty  sympathy,  which 
would  have  burst  into  applause,  if  it  had  not  been  deliv- 
ered at  an  open  grave.  Admiral  Pothuau  followed  in  a 
few  words,  eulogistic  of  the  patriotism  and  the  military 


324  Life  of  Thiers.  [1877. 

knowledge  of  the  historian  of  the  Republic  and  the  Em- 
pire. M.  de  Sacy*  spoke  in  the  name  of  the  French 
Academy,  and  dwelt  upon  the  literary  talents  of  his  col- 
league, and  M.  Vuitry  f  on  those  which  had  gained  him 
his  seat  in  the  Academy  of  Moral  and  Political  Sciences. 
And,  finally,  M.  Jules  Simon,  former  minister  of  Thiers, 
who  had  worked  with  him  for  the  establishment  of  the 
Republic  from  the  time  of'  the  February  election  in  1871 
up  to  May  24th,  1873,  spoke  of  that  memorable  and  last 
period  of  the  life  of  the  former  president,  and  acquitted 
himself  of  the  task  with  his  usual  talent. 

Each  of  these  orators  developed  one  side  of  Thiers's 
life  and  character,  and  united,  their  speeches  form  a  re'sumd 
of  both.  But  they  all  failed,  however,  to  touch  upon  one 
trait,  very  essential  to  the  entire  truthfulness  of  the  por- 
trait, and  for  the  complete  exposition  of  that  character  of  a 
representative  of  the  France  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
that  we  wish  to  portray.  M.  Simon  said  that  Thiers 
showed  what  his  nature  was,  when  he  started  out  in 
1870  on  his  peace  mission  to  the  various  Courts  of 
Europe,  and  that  it  might  be  summed  up  in  these 
words  :  Patriam  dilexit,  veritatem  coluit.  "He  loved  his 
country  and  the  truth."  And  M.  Simon  might  have  add- 
ed, that  this  love  of  truth  embraced  everything ;  that  it 

*  Silvestre  de  Sacy,  (1801 — ),  son  of  the  celebrated  orientalist  of  the  same 
name  ;  member  of  the  French  Academy  in  1854  ;  senator  in  1865  ;  and  an 
assiduous  and  famous  writer  for  the  Journal  des  Debats  since  1S28. 

f  Vuitry,  (1842 — ),  has  held  many  high  places  in  the  French  civil  service  ; 
governor  of  the  Bank  of  France  under  the  Empire  ;  and  member  of  the 
Academy  of  Moral  and  Political  Sciences  in  1862. 


.^T.  8 1. J  Last  Days  of  Thiers.  325 

would  interest  itself  in  the  most  elevated  problems  not 
only  of  politics  but  of  life,  and  that  the  statesman  whom 
he  was  celebrating  was,  at  the  same  time,  a  philosopher 
like  himself. 

This  side  of  Thiers  must  not  be  neglected.  He  had 
an  elevated  as  well  as  a  comprehensive  intelligence. 
Although,  as  a  child  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  im- 
bued with  its  ideas,  he  adopted,  instinctively  and  through 
affinity,  the  spirit  of  Voltaire's  philosophy  ;  nevertheless, 
he  wished  to  demonstrate  for  himself  and  by  himself  its 
principles  and  its  legitimacy.  If  he  were  not  harassed 
like  a  Pascal  by  the  problem  of  the  origin  and  the  end  of 
man,  his  accustomed  serenity  was  not  the  efTect  of  indif- 
ference ;  for  the  great  enigma,  especially  in  the  last  years 
of  his  life,  was  often  a  subject  of  his  deepest  meditation. 
He  searched  for  the  answer  in  the  chemical  laboratory 
with  M,  Pasteur,*  at  the  observatory  with  Le  Verrier,  in 
his  wide  readings,  and  in  moments  of  eaj;nest  reflection, 
snatched  from  his  busy  days  and  nights. 

The  peculiar  character  of  Thiers's  mind  never  drew  him 
towards  dangerous  hypotheses  or  seductive  novelties. 
His  nature,  so  variable  in  the  vivacity  of  its  impressions, 
presented  an  unchangeable  constancy  in  the  domain  of 
ideas.  We  have  seen  this  in  politics  ;  the  same  is  true  in 
metaphysics.  At  twenty,  he  stands  with  Voltaire  and 
Vauvenargues  for   the  philosophy  of  common  sense  ;  at 

*  M.  Pasteur,  (1822  ),  is  a  member  of  the  Institute,  a  distinguished 

chemist,  and  a  special  authority  on  the  germ  theory. 


326  Life  of  Thiers.  [1877. 

eighty,  we  find  him  holding  the  same  belief,  only  more 
deeply  rooted.  The  theories  of  modern  science  were  not 
repugnant  to  him  in  so  far  as  they  went,  but  he  would 
not  be  held  back  by  them,  when  his  aspirations  carried 
him  beyond  their  limits.  He  accepted  their  facts,  but  not 
their  conclusions.  He  held  to  the  old  doctrine,  which 
could  not  comprehend  motion  without  an  author  and  a 
cause.  Though  creation  appeared  to  him  a  mystery,  the 
doctrine  that  motion  arose  from  an  impulse  in  the 
nature  of  things,  from  the  spontaneous  impulse  of  life,  and 
that  it  had  always  existed,  did  not  appear  to  him  simply  a 
mystery ;  it  was  an  absurdity.  Between  two  obscurities,  he 
chose  the  least.  Between  an  incomprehensible  mystery  and 
the  reversing  of  the  laws  of  the  mind,  he  did  not  hesitate. 
He  saw  the  doubt,  although,  as  far  as  he  himself  was  con- 
cerned, he  would  not  resign  himself  to  it.  He  disliked  to 
believe  in  a  nothing  which  produces  matter  and  spirit,  or 
in  an  eternal  infinity,  blind  and  deaf,  assuming  finally  by 
the  evolutions  of  a  perpetual  becoming  {das  Werderi) — to 
use  the  Avord  of  Hegel — a  conscience  and  a  voice.  He 
went  still  further,  and,  consistent  with  himself,  he  ad- 
mitted final  causes.  "  I  am,"  he  once  said  to  Barthelemy- 
Saint-Hilaire,  using  parliamentary  language,  "  and  I  shall 
always   be,  a  blind  partisan  of  Providence."* 

It  is  to  be  regretted,  that  Thiers  did  not  have  the  time 
to  draw  up  a  statement  of  his  philosophical  faith,  as  he 
did  in  the  case  of  his  political  creed.     But  we  hope  that 

*  "  Je  suis  et  je  serai  toujours  le  ministeriel  Aq  la  Providence." 


,^T.  8 1.]  La-st  Days  of  Thiers.  327 

this  blank  will  be  filled.  He  left  among  his  posthumous 
writings,  a  work  begun  in  1862,  in  which  is  treated  the 
History  of  Humanity  in  its  Relations  with  the  World, 
and  in  which  he  affirms  his  belief  in  that  philosophy  of 
common  sense  which  was  his  own.  M.  Barth^lemy-Saint- 
Hilaire,  a  very  competent  judge*  in  matters  of  this  kind, 
intends  soon  to  lay  before  the  world  these  last  meditations 
of  his  distinguished  friend, — "  this  final  work  in  which 
culminated  all  his  scientific  studies,  all  his  experience  of 
life,  and  where,  in  this  greatest  of  all  subjects,  that  mind, 
in  which  everything  was  clear  and  strong,  will  make  itself 
manifest."* 

Let  us  hope  also,  that  this  work  will  tell  us  what  Thiers 
thought  of  friendship,  and  that  it  will  show  us,  what  there 
was  that  the  poet  Beranger  proclaimed  good,  in  the  depth 
of  the  soul  of  this  man,  who  was  so  often  obliged  to 
lend  himself  to  cruel  acts  of  repression,  and  who,  the 
day  that  he  signed  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Prussia,  and 
on  another  occasion  at  the  end  of  the  Commune,  when 
he  thought  that  the  Louvre  was  burning,  could  not  keep 
back  the  tears.  Then  we  would  have  a  complete  Thiers, 
a  sort  of  moral  pendant  to  the  portrait  that  Bonnat  has 
left  of  him. 

The  sketch  that  we  have  just  presented,  we  know  too 
well,  will  appear  incomplete.  It  will  be  discovered  imper- 
fect in  several  respects.  It  will  be  found,  more  than  once,  to 

*  M.  Caro,  professor  of  philosophy  at  the  Sorbonne,  in  a  fecent  meeting 
of  the  Trench  Institute. 


328  Life  of  Thiers.  ^1877. 

deviate  from  the  real  likeness  and  from  the  truth.  Contem- 
poraries are  not  in  the  situation  of  equitable  posterity. 
Enemies  are  too  prone  to  censure  ;  friends,  to  admiration, 
and  we  may  seem  to  have  been  of  the  last.  This  is  a 
mistake.  If  we  are  far  from  accepting  the  views  of  the 
monarchists  in  regard  to  Thiers,  we  are  also  free  from 
idolatry.  We  know  all  the  reproaches  that  the  repub- 
licans have  cast  upon  Thiers,  and  some  of  them  we  con- 
sider just.  Thiers  was  not  infallible.  It  would  have  been 
strange  if  he  had  been,  in  a  career  filled  with  struggles 
and  revolutions,  for  he  would  have  had  to  combat  the 
prejudices  of  others  without  having  any  himself,  or  to 
have  had  only  just  prejudices,  a  character  which  has  not 
yet  been  given  to  a  mortal. 

But  it  is  not  by  the  stumbles  on  the  way  that  the 
traveler  is  to  be  judged,  but  by  the  strength  that  he  dis- 
plays, by  the  obstacles  that  he  surmounts,  by  the  results 
that  he  attains.  Posterity  contemplates  a  man  from  this 
standpoint.  Looked  at  in  this  way,  the  history  of  Thiers, 
such  as  we  have  endeavored  to  paint  it,  presents  itself  in  a 
light  in  which  its  faults  disappear,  and  leave  only  in  view 
the  grand  character  of  a  representative  of  the  France  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  the  mental  qualities  that  he 
displayed  in  his  various  roles,  and  the  services  that  he 
rendered  his  country  and  the  Revolution. 

It  was  in  this  light  also  that  the  people  of  Paris  viewed 
Thiers,  in  the  homage  that  it  paid  him  on  the  day  of  nis 
funeral,  and  which  it  repeated  recently  on  the  anniversary 


.et.  8 1.]  Last  Days  of  Thiers.  329 

of  his  death.  Gambetta  said  one  day  in  our  hearing, 
that  if  Thiers  had  not  died  a  republican,  Paris  would 
never  have  given  him  the  funeral  honors  that  we  have 
just  described.  This  is  perfectly  true.  But  it  is  neces- 
sary to  add,  that  Thiers  would  never  have  been  the  man 
he  was,  filled  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  with  the  soul  of 
the  French  Revolution,  always  ready  to  yield  to  public 
opinion  when  it  made  itself  clearly  known,  if  he  had  not 
become  a  republican.  In  closing  his  life  as  he  did,  he  ac- 
complished his  destiny,  and  Paris  performed  its  duty  in 
showering  honors  upon  him. 


APPENDIX  A. 
REGISTRY    OF    BIRTH. 

In  the  year  V  (1797)  of  the  French  Republic  one  and  indi- 
visible, the  29th  Germinal  (April  i8th),  at  five  o'clock,  appeared 
before  us,  clerk  of  the  municipality  of  the  Midy,  canton  of 
Marseilles,  and  in  the  office  of  the  town  clerk,  the  citizen  Marie 
Simeon  Rostan,  health-officer  and  accoucheur,  living  in  the  rue 
laterale  du  Cours,  block  one  hundred  and  fifty-four,  number  6, 
who  presented  to  us  a  boy,  whose  accoiichement  he  said  he  had 
conducted,  and  whom  he  declared  to  have  been  born  the 
twenty-sixth  of  this  present  month. (April  15th,  1797"),  at  two 
o'clock  and  ten  minutes,  of  the  citizen  Marie  Magdeleine  Amic 
and  the  citizen  Pierre  Louis  Marie  Thiers,  a  freeholder,  then 
absent  from  home,  and  in  the  house  of  the  mother,  situated 
number  15,  rue  des  Petits-Peres,  block  five,  to  which  boy  has 
been  given  the  names  Marie  Joseph  Louis  Adolphe.  Done  in 
the  presence  of  the  citizens  Pierre  Poussel,  a  freeholder,  living 
in  the  rue  des  Petits-Peres,  and  Jeanne  Imbert,  living  in  the 
same  street,  i)rincipal  witnesses,  of  whom  the  second  cannot 
write,  but  which  we  have  signed  along  with  the  first  witness 
and  the  aforesaid  health-officer. 

P.  Poussel, 
J  .JouRDAN,  Rostan, 

Assistant   Town  Clerk.  Health-Officer. 


APPENDIX  B. 

EXTRACT     FROM     THE     DIARY     OF     THE     PHYSICIAN     WHO     WAS 
PRESENT    AT    THIERS'S    15IRTH. 

"  At  five  o'clock  this  morning  I  was  present  at  the  accouche- 
ificiit  of  the  daughter  of  Amic.  A  severe  travail  lasting  twenty 
hours.  Bad  presentation.  Gestatory  period  nearly  ten  months. 
Child  of  masculine  sex,  turbulent  and  very  viable,  although  his 


^2,2  Life  of  Thiers. 

lower  limbs  are  poorly  developed.  The  young  mother  was  a 
prey  to  great  mental  anguish,  which  explains  these  accidents. 
Her  husband  was  not  at  home,  and  she  does  not  know  what 
has  become  of  him.  The  mother,  Santi-Lomaica,  was  at  her 
daughter's  bedside." 


APPENDIX  C. 

THIERS'S    LITERARY    HONESTY. 

From  the  numerous  proofs  of  Thiers's  literary  conscientious- 
ness, we  select  the  three  following.  To  a  gentleman  offering 
him  some  documents  he  writes  : 

' '  Sir  : — I  received  your  letter  and  the  note  that  accompanied  it.  It  has 
always  been  my  habit,  to  accept  all  the  documents  offered  me,  and  to  collect 
the  truth  wherever  I  could  hope  to  find  it.  I  am,  furthermore,  very  thank- 
ful to  whomsoever  aids  me  in  my  search.  I  will  be  greatly  obliged,  there- 
fore, to  you  and  your  father,  if  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  send  me  the  new 
documents,  and  thus  enlighten  me  in  regard  to  the  errors  I  may  have  made. 
I  know  that  a  great  number  have  escaped  me  ;  but  I  would  not  be  blamed 
for  this,  if  people  were  aware  of  the  strenuous  efforts  I  have  made  to  examine 
carefully  the  mass  of  evidence  that  I  have  had  to  go  over. 

/  remain,  sir,  most  respectfully  yours, 
A.  Thiers, 

Jan.  2nd,  1829.  No.  6  rue  Cadet. 

Thiers's  Notice  to  the  Reader,  in  the  History  of  the  Consulate 
and  Empire,  begins  with  this  paragraph  : 

"  I  have  at  last  finished,  after  fifteen  years  of  assiduous  work,  the  Histoiy 
of  the  Consulate  atid  Empire  that  I  began  in  1840.  Of  these  fifteen  years,  I 
have  not  allowed  one  to  pass,  except  that  which  political  events  forced  me  to 
spend  outside  of  France,  without  giving  all  my  time  to  the  difficult  work 
that  I  had  undertaken.  I  know  the  task  might  have  been  performed  quicker, 
but  I  have  such  a  respect  for  the  mission  of  history,  that  the  fear  of  stating 
an  inexact  fact  fills  me  with  a  sort  of  confusion.  I  can  have  no  repose, 
until  I  have  found  the  proof  of  the  fact  about  which  I  have  my  doubts  ; 
I  look  for  this  proof  wherever  I  think  it  possible  to  find  it,  and  I  do  not 
stop  until  I  have  discovered  it,  or  until  I  am  certain  that  it  does  not 
exist."     *     *     *     * 

President  White  of  Cornell  University, — an  eminent  authority 
on  French  history  —  substantiates  Thiers's  own  statements. 
Speaking  of  the  Consulate  and  Empire  he  says  : 

"  As  to  its  fidelity  in  detail,  I  have  no  doubt.  After  reading  it  years  ago 
in  Paris,  I  went  to  the  Hotel  des  Invalides,  made  the  acquaintance  of  in- 
telligent old  soldiers  of  the  Grande  Armee,  and  was  able  to  verify  various 


.S"^^ 


u  ;^.c  (^  h^i^  .^'-^  \x^^ 

fc'^    Aftu/-^  ^*/#c.Crt^W^' 


St-e 'fcotnole  on  page   :5i 


Appendix  D.  333 

curious  and  interesting  details  in  it.  Indeed,  I  may  also  say,  that  I  have 
verified  some  very  interesting  details  in  his  History  of  the  French  Revolu 
Hon,  in  conversation  with  an  old  republican  of  that  time."     *     *     *     * 


APPENDIX  D. 

THIERS'S     LETTER     TO     THE     VOTERS     OF     THE     NINTH     ARRON- 
DISSEMENT    OF    PARIS.* 

[We  have  found  in  the  papers  of  M.  Thiers  the  following' 
document.  After  having  written  the  whole  of  it  with  his  own 
hand,  he  had  time  to  review  the  first  part  of  it.  The  remainder 
needed  revision,  and  he  had  reserved  this  task  for  the  day  that 
took  him  from  us.  We  have  not  thought  it  best  to  make  any 
change  in  these  last  views  of  M.  Thiers,  and,  in  publishing  this 
document  which  he  intended  to  publish  himself,  we  only  con- 
form to  his  wishes,  v  lich  always  had  in  view  the  truth  and  the 
public  good. 

MiGNET.] 

Mv  Dear  Constituents  : 

The  Chamber  of  Deputies  elected  in  February, 
1876,  was  in  May,  1877,  denounced  before  France  by  the  Execu- 
tive, condemned  by  the  Senate,  and  sent  before  the  country,  its 
unique  and  final  judge.  The  Assembly  has  the  legitimate  right 
to  defend  itself,  and  I,  in  the  name  of  my  colleagues  and  my- 
self, am  about  to  exercise  this  right,  which  no  power  can  or 
will,  doubtless,  try  to  limit. 

As  for  myself,  I  took  so  little  part  in  the  work  of  the  Cham- 
ber recently  dissolved,  that  I  think  I  can  consider  myself  an 
impartial  witness  of  what  it  did,  and  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say, 
with  its  distinguished  president,  M.  Grevy,  that  it  has  not  ceased 
for  an  instant  to  merit  the  thanks  of  France  for  its  prudence, 
its  moderation  and  its  patriotism. 

It  is  true  that  two  ministries  have  fallen  since  the  Assembly 
convened,  but  was  this  due  to  the  Assembly  or  to  the  Execu- 
tive and  his  Cabinet  ?  The  first  of  these  ministries  succumbed 
to  the  will  of  the  Senate,  as  was  stated  by  its  able  chief,  M. 

*  The  text  that  has  been  followed,  is  that  of  the  R^publiqiic  Frunfaise, 
(Gambetta's  newspaper,)  of  September  25th,  1877. 


Appendix  D.  333 

curious  and  interesting  details  in  it.  Indeed,  I  may  also  say,  that  I  have 
verified  some  very  interesting  details  in  his  History  of  the  French  Revolu 
tion,  in  conversation  with  an  old  republican  of  that  time."     *     *     *     * 


APPENDIX  D. 

THIERS'S     LETTER     TO     THE     VOTERS     OF     THE     NINTH     ARRON- 
DISSEMENT    OF    PARIS.* 

[We  have  found  in  the  papers  of  M.  Thiers  the  following* 
document.  After  having  written  the  whole  of  it  with  his  own 
hand,  he  had  time  to  review  the  first  part  of  it.  The  remainder 
needed  revision,  and  he  had  reserved  this  task  for  the  day  that 
took  him  from  us.  We  have  not  thought  it  best  to  make  any 
change  in  these  last  views  of  M.  Thiers,  and,  in  publishing  this 
document  which  he  intended  to  publish  himself,  we  only  con- 
form to  his  wishes,  v  lich  always  had  in  view  the  truth  and  the 
public  good. 

MiGNET.] 

Mv  Dear  Constituents  : 

The  Chamber  of  Deputies  elected  in  February, 
1876,  was  in  May,  1877,  denounced  before  France  by  the  Execu- 
tive, condemned  by  the  Senate,  and  sent  before  the  country,  its 
unique  and  final  judge.  The  Assembly  has  the  legitimate  right 
to  defend  itself,  and  I,  in  the  name  of  my  colleagues  and  my- 
self, am  about  to  exercise  this  right,  which  no  power  can  or 
will,  doubtless,  try  to  limit. 

As  for  myself,  I  took  so  little  part  in  the  work  of  the  Cham- 
ber recently  dissolved,  that  I  think  I  can  consider  myself  an 
impartial  witness  of  what  it  did,  and  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say, 
with  its  distinguished  president,  M.  Grevy,  that  it  has  not  ceased 
for  an  instant  to  merit  the  thanks  of  France  for  its  prudence, 
its  moderation  and  its  patriotism. 

It  is  true  that  two  ministries  have  fallen  since  the  Assembly 
convened,  but  was  this  due  to  the  Assembly  or  to  the  Execu- 
tive and  his  Cabinet  ?  The  first  of  these  ministries  succumbed 
to  the  will  of  the  Senate,  as  was  stated  by  its  able  chief,  M. 

*  The  text  that  has  been  followed,  is  that  of  the  R^piibliqnc  I-'mnfaise, 
(Gambetta's  newspaper,)  of  September  25th,  1877. 


334  ^if^  ^f  Thiers. 

Dufaure  ;  the  second  fell  by  the  rupture  between  the  Execu- 
tive and  the  Assembly,  a  rapture  which  occurred  very  unex- 
pectedly on  May  i6th  of  this  year,  and  which  has  never  yet 
been  completely  explained. 

Let  us  look  for  its  explanation  in  the  facts  themselves,  briefly 
but  sincerely  stated.  When  this  Chamber — the  first  elected 
since  the  institution  of  the  Republic — came  together  at  Ver- 
sailles, there  was  ground  for  some  apprehension  at  the  thought 
of  the  multitude  and  gravity  of  the  questions  about  to  be  sub- 
mitted to  deputies,  for  the  most  part  new,  and  not  very  familiar 
with  public  affairs. 

There  were  five  things  to  fear  :  i.  That,  on  account  of  the 
enormous  burdens  bequeathed  to  the  Republic  by  former  gov- 
ernments, the  difficulty  of  meeting  these  burdens  would  give 
rise  to  projects  of  taxation,  which  would  be  contrary  to  true 
financial  principles  ;  2,  that  the  necessity  of  responding  to  the 
simultaneous  armament  of  all  the  European  nations  would  give 
birth  to  modes  of  recruitment,  which  would  be  detrimental  to 
the  welfare  of  the  army  ;  3,  that  the  political  conduct  of  certain 
prelates  towards  neighboring  nations,  certain  pretensions  of 
the  clergy  irreconcilable  with  the  ancient  principles  of  the  Gal- 
lican  Church,  would  provoke  discussions  that  would  endanger 
the  good  relations  between  the  Church  and  the  State  ;*  4,  that, 
in  the  midst  of  the  general  emotion  produced  in  Europe  by  the 
events  in  the  East,  the  French  tribune,  so  impetuous  under  the 
Monarchy,  would  not  be  less  so  under  the  Republic,  and  that 
thence  would  arise  new  difficulties  for  the  maintenance  of  peace  ; 
5,  and,  finally,  that  the  attitude  of  the  majority  of  the  Senate 
towards  ths  Chamber  of  Deputies,  its  disposition  to  oppose  all 
the  views  of  the  elective  Chamber,  its  often-manifested  prefer- 
ence for  the  monarchical  form  of  government,  and,  in  fine,  its 
pretension  to  participate  actively  in  the  vote  of  the  budget, 
would  occasio:i  dangerous  conflicts  between  the  two  bodies. 
The  darkest  forebodings  were  entertained  everywhere  on  this 
point.  As  for  myself,  if  I  was  not  so  prompt  to  predict  con- 
tentions that  I  was  far  from  desiring,  I  was  not,  nevertheless, 
entirely  free  from  fear. 

*  During  the  spring  of  1877,  some  of  the  French  bishops  in  their  charges 
declared  that  the  Pope  was  a  prisoner,  berated  the  Italian  Government  very 
severely,  and  called  upon  President  MacMahon  to  re-instate  him  by  force. 
They  also  advocated  vigorously  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope. 


Appendix  D.  335 

In  regard  to  the  army,  it  was  proposed  to  reduce  the  term  of 
military  service  from  five  years  to  three  years,  and  this  Chamber, 
which  was  accused  of  favoring  the  abohtion  of  standing  armies, 
named  a  committee  which  rejected  the  proposal  before  it  was 
scarcely  presented. 

As  regards  ecclesiastical  affairs,  the  Church  budget,  by  a 
singular  coincidence  of  circumstances,  was  discussed  at  the 
very  moment  when  public  opinion  was  the  most  excited  over 
the  charges  of  certain  bishops.  But  this  budget  left  our  hands 
increased  by  several  hundred  thousand  francs  ;  no  proposition 
threatening  to  the  Concordat*  was  entertained,  and  the  charges 
in  question,  deplored  by  all  enlightened  catholics,  were  only 
subjected  to  the  mild  censure  of  an  order  of  the  day. 

But,  some  say,  it  would  have  been  better  not  to  have  said 
anything  about  them.  That  is  true  ;  but  in  order  not  to  have 
had  anything  said,  the  charges  should  not  have  been  written. 
And  furthermore,  if,  after  the  first  charge,  the  pen  of  our  prelates 
had  been  laid  aside,  the  matter  would  not  have  been  so  serious. 
But  a  second  attack,  still  more  violent,  followed  the  first,  a  third 
was  being  prepared,  and  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  put  a 
stop  to  this  war  of  words,  which  was  endangering  the  quiet  of 
the  public  mind  at  home  and  peace  abroad.  In  spite  of  these 
acts,  the  Church  budget,  we  repeat,  was  not  reduced  but  in- 
creased ;  the  Concordat  remains  untouched,  and  all  unfortunate 
debate  on  this  subject  has  been  avoided  or  cut  short. 

Every  tribune  of  Europe  has,  at  the  same  moment,  re-echoed 
with  long  discussions  concerning  foreign  affairs.  At  Berlin, 
Vienna,  Rome,  London,  Belgrade,  Bucharest  and  Athens,  the 
Eastern  question  has  been  debated.  Everybody  has  spoken, 
even  the  diplomates  who  generally  are  quiet,  and  who  have 
chosen  the  banks  of  the  Bosphorus  in  order  that  their  voices 
may  be  heard.  Europe  has  been  able  to  judge  if  it  was  in  the 
interest  of  peace  !  Paris  alone  was  silent,  and  in  our  Chamber 
of  Deputies,  which,  being  young,  might  have  been  ambitious, 
there  was  but  one  opinion,  and  that  was,  to  be  silent.  And 
this  plan  was  followed,  not  that  we  might  be  thought  skillful 
diplomates,  but  that  no  new  sources  of 'excitement  might  be 
added  to  the  universal  agitation. 

*  In  July,  1801,  Bonaparte,  as  first  Consul,  forced  a  Concordat  out  of 
Pope  Pius  VII,  which  was  ratified  in  i8o2,  and  wliich  has  ever  since  regu- 
lated the  relations  of  the  French  Catholic  Church  with  Rome.  The  Church 
bjcame  subordinate  to  the  State  in  temporal  matters,  and  the  appointment 
to  the  bishoprics  was  retained  by  the  Government. 


33^  Life  of  Thiers. 

There  remained  one  more  subject  of  a  disagreeable  nature 
which  it  was  necessary  to  avoid  :  the  relations  between  the 
two  Chambers.  When  the  Senate  was  seen  to  favor  the  election 
of  candidates  most  notoriously  hostile  to  the  Republic,  and 
eagerly  entertained  propositions  directly  opposed  to  the  wishes 
of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  it  would  not  have  been  strange  if 
this  Chamber  retaliated,  especially  on  the  occasion  when  the 
Senate  made  amendments  to  the  budget.*  But  what  really 
happened  ?  The  Senate  made  seven  amendments  to  the  budget. 
Never  in  England  has  the  House  of  Commons  admitted  the 
right  of  the  House  of  Lords  to  interfere  in  financial  matters, 
and  if  the  latter  suggest  on  this  subject  a  good  idea,  it  is  not 
allowed  to  be  made  in  the  form  of  an  amendment.  In  order 
that  it  be  accepted,  it  must  come  through  the  House  of 
Commons. 

Everybody  knew  this.  It  was  stated  by  eloquent  voices. 
Nevertheless,  on  the  motion  of  M.  Jules  Simon,  the  right  of 
the  Senate,  though  very  questionable  and  strongly  disputed, 
was  admitted,  and,  of  the  seven  amendments,  five  were  accepted 
by  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  !  Some  will  say  that  this  was  be- 
cause the  Senate  was  right.  Perhaps  so  ;  but,  if  this  were  so, 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies  deserves  some  praise  for  having  con- 
demned itself.  And  we  ask  of  everybody  who  has  in  his  breast 
a  spark  of  the  sentiment  of  justice,  if  the  Senate,  treated  with 
so  much  deference  by  the  Chamber,  acted  rightly  in  dissolving 
it.f  But  wait  a  few  days.  The  Senate  which  has  judged  the 
Chamber  will  soon  in  its  turn  be  judged  by  the  country,  the 
judge  of  us  all,  the  highest  and  final  judge. 

Let  us  recapitulate  these  facts  :  The  income-tax  removed  ; 
the  term  of  military  service  preserved  ;  the  church  fund  in- 
creased ;  the  Concordat  untouched  ;  a  simple  order  of  the  day 
opposed  to  dangerous  charges ;  absolute  silence  on  foreign 
politics  ;  and,  lastly,  in  regard  to  the  relations  between  the 
great  State  bodies,  marked  deference  on  the  part  of  the  Cham- 
ber towards  the  Senate,  and  the  very  questionable  financial 
pretensions  of  the  latter  conceded  without  contestation.  Such 
are  the  facts  as  known  to  France  and  all  Europe. 

How  explain  then  the  onslaught  made   on   this   Chamber  ? 

*  Towards  the  end  of  December,  1876. 

f  According  to  the  present  French  Constitution,  the  President  can  dissolve 
the  Chamber  only  when  seconded  by  the  Senate. 


Appendix  D.  337 

They  say  it  was  radical.  Radical !  What  means  this  word, 
new  at  least  in  France,  and  now  first  introduced  into  our  politi- 
cal language?  Nobody  speaks  any  more  of  socialism,  and 
this  is  very  natural.  There  was  a  time  when  it  was  proper  in 
France  to  speak  of  socialism,  for  people  were  continually  dis- 
cussing property  rights,  the  labor  que^;tion,  progressive  taxation, 
the  equality  of  wages,  free  and  unlimited  credit.  These  terms 
are  now  almost  forgotten  here,  though  they  are  being  taken  up 
in  other  quarters.  Moral  epidemics,  like  physical  epidemics, 
rage  for  a  while,  and,  when  they  have  spent  their  force  in  one 
country,  pass  on  to  another. 

Socialism  has  invaded  neighboring  lands,  powerful  and  glor- 
ious, which  have  taken  it  in  hand  without  showing  any  fear 
of  it,  for  they  know  that  real  or  affected  alarm  only  renders 
epidemics  more  dangerous,  and  they  are  aware  that  with  moral 
epidemics  the  only  efficacious  remedy  is  time,  reason  and  liberty. 
It  was  in  this  way  that  we  rid  ourselves  of  socialism,  and  so  will 
be  delivered  from  it  all  the  other  countries  that  it  has  attacked. 
But  what  is  meant  by  radicalism,  this  word  employed  by  the 
ministers  of  May  i6th?^'  If  by  it  is  designated  a  certain  con- 
ception of  the  democratic  spirit,  which  threatens  the  civil  admin- 
istration, the  finances,  the  army,  the  Church,  and  the  good  under- 
standing that  should  exist  between  the  different  branches  of 
the'  Government,  if  it  mean  the  intervention  of  Parliament  in 
foreign  affairs,  then,  indeed,  a  Chamber  should  be  energetically 
resisted  which  should  allow  itself  to  pursue  such  a  policy. 

But  to  call  a  Chamber  radical  which  does  not  even  discuss, 
an  income-tax  ;  which  maintains  intact  the  term  of  military 
service  ;  which  votes  the  appropriations  for  all  the  religions 
recognized  by  the  State,  and  augments  notably  that  of  the 
Catholic  church  ;  which,  in  the  presence  of  condemnable  acts 
of  certain  bishops,  restricts  itself  to  a  simple  vote  of  censure, 
when  all  other  citizens  would  run  the  risk  of  being  severely 
punished  for  similar  acts  ;  which,  far  from  denying  the  just 
powers  of  the  Senate,  grants  this  body  rights  which  England 
does  not  grant  the  House  of  Lords,  and  treats  with  scrupulous 
consideration  an  Upper  House  which  does  not  reciprocate  its 
courtesy  ;  should  such  a  Chamber  be  called  radical  ?  No,  the 
ministers  may  say  so,  but  you  will  not  think  so. 

*  The  republican  cabinet  of  Jules  Simon  was  dismissed  by  MacMahon. 
and  the  Duke  de  Broglie,  a  moderate  royalist,  became  President  of  the 
Council,  with  the  notorious  Fourtou,  an  old  Bonapartist,  as  Minister  of  the 
Interior,  on  May  i6lh,  1S77. 


338  Life  of  Thiers. 

And  if,  from  these  questions  of  principle,  we  pass  to  certain 
questions,  of  an  incidental  nature  that  presented  themselves,  and 
which  the  enemies  of  the  Republic  hoped  to  make  the  occasion 
of  attacks  and  trouble,  such  as  amnesty  and  the  law  concerning 
university  education,  what  happened  ? 

For  the  last  six  years,  permanent  courts-martial  have  sat, 
daily  pronouncing  sentence  on  fresh  victims  of  the  Commune, 
who  had  returned  to  work  or  were  ready  to,  and  shutting  them 
out  from  employment,  rather  than  definitely  establishing  them 
in  some  occupation.  It  was  high  time  to  put  an  end  to  these 
prosecutions,  and  the  Chamber  did  it.  Other  condemned 
Communists,  transported  to  distant  climes,  displayed  the  best 
signs  of  repentance,  by  cultivating  the  soil  and  sending  for  their 
families.  Those  should  be  judiciously  pardoned,  and  the 
Chamber  left  to  the  Executive  the  care  of  carrying  this  provision 
out,  in  meritorious  cases  and  without  harming  the  cause  of 
justice.  In  the  place  of  troubles  resulting  from  this  policy — 
troubles  that  had  been  predicted  and  perhaps  desired — it  had 
a  pacifying  effect.* 

Many  worthy  people,  liberal  and  religious,  in  the  good  accepta- 
tion of  the  word,  regretted  the  creation  of  two  systems  of  uni- 
versity education,  one  laic,  the  other  Catholic,  the  two  tending 
to  perpetuate  the  existence  of  two  nations  within  the  nation,  and, 
in  the  interest  of  national  unity,  they  wished  the  law  had  never 
been  made  or  carried  out.f  Others,  more  moderate,  preferred 
that  the  matter  be  limited  to  the  restitution  to  the  State,  of  the 
rights  which  belonged  to  it  in  the  conferring  of  degrees.  The 
Chamber  of  Deputies — favoring  the  more  moderate  solution  of 
the  question — adopted  the  latter  view.  But  the  Senate  refused 
to  restore  to  the  State  its  incontestable  rights.  The  Chamber 
yielded,  and  the  question  was  dropped. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  the  Chamber  was  new  ;  that 
every  new  Chamber  has  to  be  educated  ;  that  it  is  necessary  to 
familiarize,  with  the  enormous  figures  of  the  budget,  men  who 
have  no  idea  of  the  expenses  of  a  great  State  ;  to  reconcile 
them  with  the  central  authority,  which  they  have  often  com- 
bated in  the  Municipal  Councils  and  the  Councils-General  ;  J 

*  From  December  1877  to  June  1878,  Marshal  MacMahon  pardoned  or 
commuted  the  penalties  of  8qo  Communists.  The  question  of  complete 
amnesty  is  now  (1878)  being  agitated  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

f  This  law  was  passed  in  1875. 

\  Each  department  has  a  Council-General  (conseil  genital,')  which  may  be 
likened  to  an  American  State  Legislature. 


Appendix  D.  339 

that  it  is  required  to  prove  to  them  the  utility,  or  at  least  the 
necessity  of  certain  taxes  which  are  the  bane  of  their  district ; 
that,  all  of  them  coming  up  with  projects  for  internal  improve- 
ments for  the  sea-ports,  roads,  canals  and  railways  of  their  de- 
partments, have  to  be  made  to  understand  that,  to  carry  out 
these  improvements,  useful  without  doubt,  the  State  is  powerless 
and  time  all-powerful ;  that  they  are  thus  forced  to  undergo  a 
series  of  disenchantments,  which  explains  the  fact  that  every 
vote  of  a  new  Legislature  is  a  source  of  anxiety  and  danger  to 
the  Government  ; — on  considering  these  things,  would  it  be 
surprising  if  the  new  Chamber — the  first  of  the  Republic — had 
met  with  the  common  fate  and  perhaps  committed  some  blunder, 
passed  some  hasty  vote,  which  would  have  to  be  reconsidered 
at  the  following  sessions  ?  Far  from  this,  the  Chamber  Avhich 
was  recently  dissolved,  has  disappointed  not  our  hopes,  but  our 
fears.  To  our  great  surprise,  we  found  it  pervaded  by  a  spirit 
of  good  will  not  known  in  the  last  Chambers  of  the  Empire, 
which  were  recruited  from  a  democracy  already  republican,  and 
unable  to  control  a  sort  of  feeling  of  bitterness  towards  a  power 
which  was  not  congenial  to  it.  This  Chamber,  however,  find- 
ing itself  in  harmony  with  the  administration,  desired  the 
success  of  the  Government  and  came  to  its  aid.  Discreet,  mod- 
erate, intelligent,  always  ready  to  meet  half  way,  without  de- 
ception and  without  weakness,  it  knew  how  to  avoid  all  dangers, 
except  one,  on  which  it  did  not  fall  of  itself,  but  which  seemed 
to  be  thrown  in  its  way,  like  a  rock  suddenly  rising  from  the 
waves. 

But,  I  am  told,  you  forget  the  shocking  scenes  that  occurred 
there.  No,  not  at  all,  I  have  not  forgotten  them.  I  saw  them, 
and  they  are  the  worst,  the  most  scandalous  in  which  I  have 
taken  part  for  a  half  century.  I  have  seen  the  rules  violated, 
the  President  of  the  Chamber  insulted,  not  being  able  to  make 
his  voice  heard  or  his  authority  respected.  Yes,  I  have  wit- 
nessed all  this.  But  can  these  scenes  be  laid  at  the  door  of  the 
last  Chamber?  They  were  provoked  not  by  it,  but  against  its 
wishes  ;  by  its  enemies  united  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Republic, 
and  if,  in  its  indignation,  the  Chamber  did  not  instantly  repress 
these  disgraceful  spectacles  by  an  act  of  authority,  it  was  not 
because  the  Chamber  was  weak,  but  because  it  had  regard  for 
the  feelings  of  its  enemies. 

But  let  us  leave  this  subject.  The  question  is  not  concern- 
ing the  faults  of  the  Chamber,  for  it  had  none.     Everything 


340  Life  of  Thiers. 

that  has  been   said  on  this  point  is  pure  fabrication.     Let  us 
rather  seek  the  truth  in  this  matter,  and  the  country,  before 
whose  eyes  all  has  happened,  will  recognize  it  and  proclaim  it. 
Here  is  the  truth  :   In  1873,  when  the  country  saw  adminis- 
trative  affairs,  the   army  and   the   finances   re-established,    and 
the  foreign  enemy  departed  from  our  soil,  a  universal  cry  arose 
for  the  abandonment  of  the  provisional  form  of  government, 
and  for  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  government,  that  is 
to  say,  to  give  to  each  party,  weary  of  waiting,  the  government 
of  its  choice.     But  there  were  three  monarchical  parties,*  and 
but  one  throne.     The  idea  of   gratifying  them  had,  therefore, 
to  be  abandoned.     As  for  myself,  my  mind  was  made  up.     In 
the  presence  of  these  three  competitors,  the  Monarchy  was  im- 
possible.    The  Republic  was  difficult  without  doubt,  but  pos- 
sible if   prudence   and  wisdom  were  exercised.      Under   the 
Republic   France  had  just   been  revived      I   would  have  pre- 
ferred that  the  question  had  not  been  brought  up,  but  it  could 
no  longer  be   evaded.     A  simple  deputy,  elected  President  of 
the  Republic  by  my  colleagues,  I  stated   the  question  without 
allowing  myself  to  solve  it.     I  could  do  neither  more  nor  less. 
The  three  monarchical  parties,  united  in  the  common  design  of 
resisting   the   establishment  of  the   Republic,  proposed  to  the 
Assembly  that  it  separate  itself  from  me,  and,  as  I  was  not  less 
desirous  of  separating  myself  from  it,  I  handed  in  my  resigna- 
tion, for  which  my  successor  did  not  have  to  wait  ten  minutes. 
I   might   have   remained   in   ofifice   as   long  as  the  Assembly 
itself  :  i  was  authorized   so  to  do  by  a  constitutional  law  ;t  I 
could  have  done  so  on  one  condition  :  by  dismissing  a  ministry 
in  which  I  had  confidence,  and  which  had  powerfully  aided  me 
in  the  work  that  I  had  accomplished.     I  was  not  willing  to  do 
this.     A  king,  whom   the  monarchical  principle  obliges  to  re- 
main at  the  head  of  the  State,  may  employ  this  means  of  satis- 
fying public  opinion  ;  but  an  elective  chief,  chosen  for  the  very 
reason  that  he  always  held  that  the  Government  ought  to  be  in 
accord  with  the  majority  in  the  representative  Chamber,  from 
the  moment  that  this  accord  ceases,  is  bound   to   resign.     It  is 
true  that  the  country  was  with  me,  but  not  the  Assembly  which 
had  elected  me.     I  had  a  motive  still  loftier  than   my  personal 

*  The  legitimists,  with  the  Count  de  Chambord  at  their  head,  the  Orlean- 
ists,  who  allied  around  the  Count  de  Paris,  and  the  Bonapartists,  led  by  the 
Prince  Imperial. 

f  The  Rivet  Constitution.     See  pp.  229-232. 


Appe7tdix   D.  341 

dignity,  the  most  powerful  and  the  most  vital  interest  of  the 
country.  The  question  of  the  Monarchy  or  the  Republic  is 
the  torment  of  France.  To  settle  it  is  of  prime  importance 
for  the  nation's  repose,  well-being  and  future.  As  long  as  I 
remained  in  office,  the  question  did  not  stand  on  its  own  merits  • 
it  could  be  said  that  my  ill-will  was  the  only  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  the  re-establishment  of  the  Monarchy.  If  I  were  out  of  the 
way,  there  would  be  the  most  astonishing  and  decisive  evidence 
in  favor  of  the  Monarchy. 

Well,  through  the  action  of  the  victorious  majority,  the 
Government  was  abandoned  to  the  whole  body  of  declared 
and  well-known  partisans  of  monarchy,  who  thenceforth  had 
their  own  way.  In  defiance  of  the  laws,  and  regardless  of  pro- 
priety, the  crown  of  France  has  been  hawked  along  the  high- 
ways of  Europe  by  men  without  authority  ;  and,  after  all  these 
efforts,  witnessed  by  all  nations,,  it  has  been  found  necessary  to 
admit  that  the  Monarchy  is  impossible.  One  trial  should  have 
been  enough.  The  first  cost  the  country  so  dear,  that  it  should 
not  have  been  soon  repeated.  But  everybody  did  not  look  at 
the  (piestion  in  this  light  ;  and,  a  second  time — on  May  i6th 
last — a  final  and  signal  demonstration  was  made. 

On  May  i6th,  1877,  as  on  May  24th,  1873,*  the  same  sad 
spectacle  was  witnessed  of  three  monarchical  parties,  united 
for  the  moment  for  the  overthrow  of  the  object  of  their  com- 
mon hatred,  suddenly  dissolving  the  union  and  loading  each 
other  with  abuses  and  threats  ;  then,  when  they  feel  that  it  is 
dangerous  to  continue  the  rupture,  coming  together  again,  only 
to  fall  apart  once  more,  and  to  fill  France  with  disgust  and 
Europe  with  commiseration  for  a  grand  and  noble  nation,  given 
over  to  such  deplorable  distractions. 

Then  began  that  state  of  affairs,  which  could  not  last,  of  a 
republican  constitution  with  an  anti-republican  administration  : 
and  herein  lies  the  cause  of  the  dissolution  of  the  Chamber. 
In  every  branch  of  the  civil  service,  and  especially  in  those  of 
a  political  nature,  there  have  been — if  we  make  a  few  excep- 
tions— sub-prefectsf  governing  in  the  name  of  the  Republic, 
and  not  concealing  either  their  aversion  to  it,  or  their  con- 
viction that  it  wa<  impossible,  or  the  hope  that  it  would  not 
last.     In  other  divisions  of  the  Government — where  propriety 

*  The  dale  of  Thicrs's  resignation.      See  Chapter  IX. 
fA  sub-prefect  {sous-pri'/c't)\s.\.\\<i  chief  executive  of  an  arnuidisseinctil, 
one  of  the  divisions  of  a  department. 


^ 


342  Life  of   Thiers. 

imposed  more  reserve — the  same  sentiments  existed,  though 
kept  in  the  background,  and,  descending  from  the  great  centres 
to  the  minor  provincial  offices,  where  people  are  under  less 
restraint,  the  pettiest  office-holders  were  found  to  entertain  the 
same  opinions.  This  state  of  things  grew  worse  as  the  repub- 
lican office-holders,  or  those  converted  to  republicanism,  who 
owed  their  places  either  to  the  Government  of  September  4th,* 
or  to  the  Government  of  which  I  was  the  head,  were  succes- 
sively eliminated,  and,  in  a  short  time,  we  saw  a  government, 
republican  in  form,  in  the  hands  of  an  anti-republican  admin- 
istration. 

This  state  of  affairs,  which  always  conf'Ases  the  public  mind, 
ended,  after  many  changes,  by  becoming  intolerable.  When, 
after  the  elections  of  February,  1876,  which  went  republican, 
the  Chamber,  which  had  been  dissolved  a  short  time  before, 
came  together  again,  it  made  known  at  Versailles  the  astonish- 
ment and  disapprobation  of  the  country.  It  acted  discreetly, 
and  the  ministers  chosen  from  its  midst,  obeying  its  wishes, 
made  some  modifications  in  this  contradictory  state  of  things, 
which  put  authority  in  the  hands  of  men  opposed  to  the  nature 
of  the  government  which  they  served.  But,  hampered  in  their 
efforts,  they  only  partially  satisfied  a  nation  which  expected  a 
thorough  change. 

At  each  adjournment  the  Chamber  remarked  this  spirit  of 
discontent,  and  on  re-assembling  at  Versailles  it  again  called 
the  attention  of  the  ministers  to  the  fact.  It  urged  the  subject 
upon  them,  not  rashly  but  calmly,  with  regard  for  the  feelings 
of  the  ministers  whom  it  esteemed,  and  whose  embarrassments 
it  was  aware  of.  It  was  impossible,  in  fact,  that  this  lack  of 
harmony  should  not  soon  become  a  subject  of  prime  importance. 

I  declare  before  the  country — certain  of  not  being  contra- 
dicted by  it — that  the  situation  is  such  as  I  have  just  described  it. 

From  the  force  of  necessity,  the  monarchical  parties  have  con- 
ceded the  Republic  as  a  principle  ;  but  they  have  seen  fit  to 
reserve  the  real  power  to  themselves,  and  we  have  had,  I  re- 
peat, a  republican  constitution  with  an  anti-republican  admin- 
istration and  anti-republican  office-holders. 

Every  nation  has  a  right  to  the  form  of  government  that 
pleases  it,  and  when  this  government  has  been  established,  it 
has  the  right  to  require  that  this  government  be  served  loyally. 
Nobody  is  forced  to  serve  a  government  that  he  does  not  like, 

*  See  page  196,  foot-note. 


Appendix  D.  343 

but  if  he  accept  it,  and  especially  if  he  take  office  under  it,  he 
is  bound  to  perform  his  duties  faithfully,  with  a  desire  for  the 
success,  not  for  the  overthrow  of  the  form  of  government. 
Everybody,  of  course,  has  the  right  to  aspire  to  office,  what- 
ever may  be  his  party  or  his  origin  ;  in  fact,  it  is  to  be  desired 
that  men  of  experience — old  public  servants — continue  to  serve 
the  State,  but  always  on  condition  that  they  serve  it  loyally.* 

It  will  be  remembered  that  at  Bordeauxf  we,  who  served  the 
Republic,  were  formerly  monarchists.  This,  however,  was  not 
true  of  all.  But  we  were  demanded  ;  we  did  not  step  forward 
without  being  called,  and  we  took  office  purely  through  good- 
will, because  our  presence  re-assured  the  alarmed  nation.  And 
at  last  we  were  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  the  Republic.  I 
wish  the  Republic  many  similar  servitors,  and  from  whatever 
quarter  they  may  come,  they  will  always  be  welcomed  if  they 
are  honestly  determined  to  help  on  the  common  cause,  which, 
if  it  succeed,  will  be  a  blessing  and  not  a  detriment  to  France. 

The  question,  therefore,  raised  by  the  proceeding  of  May  i6th, 
may  be  summed  up  as  follows  :  Is  the  Republic  needed,  and,  if 
so,  should  it  be  firmly  established  by  men  who  wish  its  success  ? 
Herein  lies  the  whole  question  at  issue. 

Now,  I  ask  every  honest  man,  to  whatever  party  he  may  be- 
long, if  the  Count  de  Chambord  could  be  placed  on  the  throne 
with  the  opinions  that  he  professes  and  with  the  flag  that  he 
unfurls,  or  if  it  is  hoped  that  he  may  some  day  be  acceptable 
after  he  has  modified  his  views  ?  We  respect  him  too  much  to 
believe  it.  I  will  say  nothing  of  the  Orleans  princes,  who  wish 
to  be  mentioned  only  after  the  Count  de  Chambord,  according 
to  their  hereditary  rank  ;  but  I  ask  if  the  country  is  ready  to 
receive  the  Prince  Imperial,  who,  though  innocent  of  the  mis- 
fortunes of  France,  suggests  them  so  keenly,  that  the  nation 
still  shudders  at  the  bare  mention  of  his  name  ?  Nobody  dare 
answer  me  yes  ;  and,  in  fact,  all  the  friends  of  these  candi- 
dates postpone,  until  a  future  time,   the  day  when  their  claims 

*  Thiers  must  not  be  understood  to  advocate  our  pernicious  American 
system  of  office-holding.  He  simply  means,  that  office-holders  should  be- 
lieve in  the  nature  of  the  government  they  are  serving,  not  in  the  infalli- 
bility of  this  or  that  party  or  chief,  who  all  advocate  the  same  form  of 
government. 

\  The  National  Assembly,  elected  February  Qth,  1871,  first  meet  at  Bor- 
deaux, where  it  remained  until  March  of  the  same  year,  when  it  removed  to 
Versailles. 


344  Life  of  Thiers. 

may  be  put  forward.  The  truth  of  this  statement  is  seen  in 
the  fact  that  they  make  no  move,  though  the  greatest  indulgence 
has  been  shown  all  the  monarchical  parties. 

Now,  until  this  day — more  or  less  distant — arrive,  what  will 
France  do  ?  France  will  wait  until  her  future  masters  are. 
ready  :  until  one  is  brought  over  to  other  ways  of  thinking, 
until  another  has  made  an  advance  in  his  right  of  succession, 
and  until  a  third  has  finished  his  education.  In  the  mean- 
while everything  will  be  in  suspense,  commerce,  industry,  finan- 
ces. State  affairs.  How  can  business  men  be  asked  to  engage 
in  great  industrial  enterprises,  and  financiers  to  negotiate  loans, 
when  the  future  threatens  fresh  political  troubles  ?  And  how 
can  foreign  Cabinets  be  expected  to  strengthen  their  relations 
and  form  alliances  with  us,  when  French  policy  is  liable  to  be 
directed  by  new  chiefs  and  influenced  by  new  ideas  ?  Dare 
anybody  ask  such  sacrilices  of  a  great  nation,  that  Europe  has 
admired  in  its  prosperity  and  also  in  its  misfortunes,  on  seeing 
it  restored  once  more,  on  seeing  it  revive  again,  displaying  a 
rare  wisdom  in  the  midst  of  provocations,  which  it  endures 
with  such  sang-froid  and  calm  firmness  ? 

Some  men  who,  because  they  call  themselves  monarchists, 
believe  that  they  know  the  secrets  of  the  crowned  heads,  pre- 
tend that  their  reign  is  desired,  and  that  then  France  will 
regain  its  prestige  and  alliances.  But  we  would  say  to  these 
men  who  think  they  understand  Europe,  but  who,  in  reality, 
know  nothing  about  it,  and  attribute  to  it  their  own  ignorance 
and  prejudices,  that  Europe  looks  with  pity  on  their  pretensions 
and  hopes,  and  blames  them  for  having  got  their  country  into 
the  present  trouble,  instead  of  giving  it  the  only  form  of  govern- 
ment possible  to-day.  This  Europe  was  formerly  under  abso- 
lute princes,  but,  recognizing  the  march  of  time,  it  is  now  ruled 
by  constitutional  princes,  and  is  satisfied  with  the  change. 
Europe  understands  that  France,  after  the  fall  of  three  dynas- 
ties,* has  gone  over  to  the  Republic,  which,  during  the  last  six 
years,  has  lifted  the  country  out  of  the  abyss  into  which  the 
monarchists  precipitated  it.  Europe  has  seen  our  military 
prestige  destroyed  and  a  new  prestige  take  its  place,  that  of 
the  inexhaustible  vitality  of  a  prostrate  country,  suddenly  rising 
up  and  furnishing  the  world  an   unheard   of    example   of    re- 

*  The  legitimist  in  1793,  and  again  in  1830;  the  Bonapartist  in  1815, 
and  again  in  1S70  ;  and  the  Orleanist  in  1848. 


Appendix  D.  345 

sources  of  every  kind,  so  that  France,  even  after  Worth,  Sedan 
and  Metz,  has  shown  herself  to  be  great  still.  It  was  under 
the  Monarchy  that  she  fell,  but  under  the  Republic  that  she 
arose  again.  And  once  more  on  the  road  to  prosperity,  it  was 
the  monarchists  again  that  threw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  her 
reconstruction.  If  it  be  the  esteem  of  Europe  that  is  sought, 
listen  to  Europe,  hearken  to  its  opinion  ! 

For  this  it  is,  that  we  persistently  ask  if  there  be  any  other 
alternative  than  the  following  :  Either  the  Monarchy,  which  is 
impossible,  because  there  are  three  claimants  and  but  one 
throne  ;  or  the  Republic,  difficult  to  establish  without  doubt, 
not  because  of  itself,  but  because  of  the  opposition  of  the 
monarchical  parties,  and,  nevertheless,  possible,  for  it  is  sup- 
ported by  an  immense  majority  of  the  people. 

It  is  the  duty,  therefore,  of  this  immense  majority  of  the 
people  to  consult  together,  to  unite  and  to  vote  against  those 
who  resist  the  establishment  of  the  only  government  possible. 
The  Monarchy  to-day,  after  the  three  revolutions  that  have 
overthrown  it,  is  immediate  civil  war,  if  it  be  established  now  ; 
and  if  put  off  for  two  years,  or  three  years,  the  civil  war  is 
only  postponed  until  that  epoch.  The  Republic  is  an  equitable 
participation  of  all  the  children  of  France  in  the  government  of 
their  country,  according  to  their  abilities,  their  importance,  and 
their  callings, — a  possible  and  practical  participation,  excluding 
nobody  except  those  who  announce  that  they  will  govern  only 
by  revolution.  The  Republic  is  absolutely  necessary,  for  every- 
body who  is  not  blind  or  deceitful  must  admit,  that  it  alone  is 
possible  after  all  that  happened  in  October,  1873,*  and  all 
that  has  occurred  since  May,  1877. 

Our  adversaries  will  retort,  perhaps,  that  we  calumniate  them 
in  saying  that  they  do  not  want  the  Republic.  No,  we  do  not 
believe  that  they  will  call  themselves  calumniated.  Can  they 
pretend  that  they  have  rallied  to  the  Republic,  when  their  past 
speeches,  their  language  of  to-day,  their  confidential  talk  and 
their  polemics  in  the  newspapers  which  represent  them,  proclaim 
them  legitimists,  Orleanists,  or  Bonapartists ;  when,  consenting 

*  During  this  month,  the  legitimists  made  a  strong  effort  in  favor  of  the 
Count  de  Chambord,  but  failed  utterly  through  the  count's  refusal  to  accept 
ti.  crown,  except  as  an  advocate  of  an!i-revolutioiv  ■•'  principles.  The 
Duke  de  Broglie  was  one  of  the  prime  movers  in  this  "  monarchical  con- 
spiracy." On  October  I2th,  elections  were  held  in  four  departments,  and 
the  republican  candidates  were  chosen. 


34^  Life  of   Thiers. 

to  serve  the  Republic,  they  do  not  deign  to  name  it ;  when  a 
municipal  magistrate,  receiving  the  President  with  the  respect 
that  is  due  him,  and  telling  him  that  the  people  will  be  charmed 
to  show  him  their  attachment  for  republican  institutions,  is  re- 
moved from  office  for  using  this  language,  as  was  his  predecessor 
for  a  similar  sin  !  No,  we  defy  our  adversaries  to  call  themselves 
republicans.  We  wish  we  could  believe  that  they  were  repub- 
licans, because  they  would  then  aid  in  the  only  solution  of  the 
difficulties  with  which  we  are  surrounded.  We  wish  it  ;  but 
they  will  expose  themselves  to  contradiction  from  every  quarter, 
if  they  dare  to  declare  that  they  are  republicans. 

Others  may  say,  perhaps,  that  they  will  accept  in  earnest  a 
good  Republic,  but  they  do  not  want  a  bad  one.  And  we  agree 
with  them  :  we  favor  the  good  and  not  the  bad  Republic,  and 
no  one  of  us  asks  for  any  other.  But  when  did  this  question 
of  a  bad  Republic  appear  ?  What  day  did  this  bad  Republic 
show  itself  ?  Was  it  when  at  Bordeaux,  Versailles,  or  Paris,  in 
the  midst  of  disasters  without  parallel,  and  in  the  midst  of 
ruins,  it  re-established  a  government,  an  army,  and  the  finances, 
stamped  out  anarchy,  caused  the  laws  to  be  respected,  paid  an 
enormous  indemnity,  freed  our  soil  from  the  enemy's  troops, 
and  made  France  herself  again  ?  Was  that  the  bad  Republic  ? 
And  again,  when,  in  the  midst  of  all  sorts  of  difficulties  created 
by  its  adversaries,  this  Republic,  belied,  harassed,  directed  how- 
ever by  republican  ministries,  calmed  the  people,  and,  without 
being  able  to  satisfy  all  their  wishes,  secured  them  a  tolerable 
existence  from  February,  1876,  to  May,  1877, — was  this  a  bad 
Republic?  You  can  decide  this,  by  comparing  the  year  1876 
with  the  year  1877.  Ask  an  answer  from  industry,  from 
commerce,  from  all  Europe,  witness  to  the  truth  of  our  asser- 
tions ;  and  all  will  answer  you,  and  will  tell  you  what  a  differ- 
ence there  is  between  the  good  and  the  bad  Republic,  for  they 
have  been  able  to  compare  them. 

Yes,  you  made  the  bad  Republic  known  to  us  on  May  i6th  ! 
Though,  doubtless,  in  an  embarrassed  condition  on  the  eve  of 
this  change,  though  disturbed  by  your  menaces,  the  Republic 
was,  nevertheless,  still  active,  laborious,  peaceable,  protected,  be- 
cause its  legality  was  respected,  and  acknowledged  by  all  the 
political  Dfirties,  because  circumstances  forced  them  to  accept 
it.  Bu  A  hat  a  spectacle  does  the  proceeding  of  May  i6th 
present !  Its  authors  say  :  We  appeal  to  the  country  that  it 
may  make   known   its   wish.      It   would  be  proper,    then,    to 


Appendix  D.  347 

let  the  country  speak  freely,  and  especially  to  let  it  speak 
as  soon  as  possible  ;  for  such  a  state  of  critical  suspense  as 
the  present  cannot  be  made  too  short.  While  all  our  other 
governments  have  never  taken  more  than  twenty  or  thirty  days 
to  get  a  response,  and  on  but  one  occasion  sixty,  this  Gov- 
ernment not  only  takes  the  three  months  authorized  by  law, 
but  to  these  three  months  is  added,  by  a  manifestly  illegil 
interpretation,  a  new  delay  ;  and  finally,  instead  of  letting  the 
country  speak  perfectly  freely,  since  it  is  being  consulted,  the 
very  contrary  is  done,  by  an  outrageous  violation  of  every  ob- 
servance. Not  only  are  the  essential  principles  of  republican 
government  ignored  every  day,  but  also  the  most  incontestable 
principles  of  public  right,  observed  among  all  free  peoples, 
whether  they  live  under  a  republic  or  a  king. 

In  every  free  State  the  first  care,  when  an  election  is  to  be 
held,  is  to  obtain  the  untrammeled  vote  of  the  nation.  With 
us,  however,  free  discussion  is  interfered  with  on  every  hand  ; 
the  news-venders  and  the  railroads  are  forced  to  surrender  at 
discretion,  without  the  Government  giving  a  thought  to  the 
trials  of  those  who  are  thus  deprived  of  their  daily  bread  ;  and 
office-holders,  who  have  nothing  to  do  with  politics,  are  struck 
down  in  order  to  intimidate  rebellious  voters. 

Do  they  stop  here  ?  No.  Read  what  is  written  with  im- 
punity in  the  Government  newspapers,  with  the  Government's 
permission  we  may  say,  for  the  Government  does  not  try  to  stop 
it.  These  newspapers  speak  out  boldly,  and  declare  that  if  the 
measures  being  taken  do  not  defeat  the  return  of  the  majority 
that  was  dissolved,  the  voice  of  the  country  must  be  disre- 
garded. The  Chamber  should  be  again  dissolved  until  the 
Government  can  have  its  way.  The  Constitution,  in  fact  all 
constitutions  hold  that  in  case  of  a  difference  between  the 
Chamber  and  the  Government,  the  country  is  to  be  appealed 
to,  and  when  it  has  spoken  the  difference  is  settled.  Now,  as 
it  was  not  supposed  that  peoples  or  governments  were  fools,  it 
was  not  laid  down  that,  the  country,  having  given  its  answer, 
should  not  be  consulted  a  second  or  third  time.  Nothing  was 
said  on  this  point,  because  neither  the  governing  body  nor  the 
governed  were  suspected  of  insanity.  We  should  all  use  our 
common  sense.  The  monarchists  say  that  if  the  elections 
do  not  go  as  is  wished,  the  Chamber  will  be  again  dissolved, 
and  this  will  be  repeated,  as  often  as  is  necessary,  until  1880.* 

*  This  is  the  date  fixed  upon  by  the  present  (1878)  Constitution  of  France, 


348  Life  of  Thiers. 

But,  though  it  takes  time  to  bring  about  a  dissolution,  if 
December  31st  arrive  without  the  budget  being  voted,  it  will 
make  no  difference,  the  taxes  will  be  levied  without  being  voted. 
And,  furthermore,  there  is  the  Senate.  The  Senate  will  vote 
the  budget  if  there  is  no  Chamber  to  do  it,  and  then  .  . 
and  then       .     .     .       force  remains,  and  force  will  be  employed. 

Such  is  their  unblushing  and  audacious  contempt  of  every 
law.  I  ask  my  contemporaries,  those  who  recall  the  days  of 
1830,  if,  under  M.  de  Polignac,  anybody  would  have  dared  to 
say  that,  if  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  did  not  vote  the  budget, 
the  King  and  the  Chamber  of  Peers  could  do  so  ?  No,  evidently 
not ;  or  the  response  would  have  been  the  same  as  that  made 
to  the  famous  Ordinances.* 

Not  only  are  the  principles  peculiar  to  a  republic  violated, 
but  the  simplest  parliamentary  principles  observed  by  three 
constitutional  monarchiesf  are  disregarded.  They  would  be 
guilty  of  an  act  that  Napoleon  III,  in  the  height  of  his  power, 
would  never  have  dared  to  do  :  they  would  levy  taxes  that  were 
not  voted  !  And,  in  fine,  they  write  these  criminal  words,  that 
if  force  be  necessary,  force  will  be  used  !  This  is  the  bad 
Republic.  It  is  the  only  one  that  has  appeared  since  Bordeaux, 
and  it  is  the  production  of  the  impetuous  and  audacious  mon- 
archical parties.  Fellow  citizens,  here  are  the  facts.  You  see 
them.  It  is  not  necessary  to  prove  them.  Have  we  ever  had 
a  more  astounding  example  of  the  violation  of  every  principle  ? 
Every  means  of  circulation — the  common  property  of  all — 
usurped  to  profit  an  opinion  ;  every  channel  closed  against  the 
truth,  when  the  nation  needs  and  ought  to  know  everything  ; 
the  insolent  declaration  that,  if  the  country  does  not  obey,  does 
not  vote  as  the  Government  orders,  it  will  have  to  come  to  the 
polls  again  ;  and  that,  if  there  is  not  time  to  vote  the  budget, 
the  taxes  will  nevertheless  be  levied.  This  is  published  with 
impunity,  this  violation  of  every  principle  of  a  republic  and  a 
monarchy,  of  every  principle  no  longer  denied  even  at  Con- 
stantinople. Personal  violence  is  alone  wanting  ;  and  this  will 
come  if,  as  they  have  dared  to  propose,  they  add  the  crime — 
things  must  be  given  their  right  name — the  crime  of  declaring 
the  country  in  a  state  of  siege  ;  that  is,  France  called  upon  to 
vote  under  the  jurisdiction  of  courts-martial.     Such,  I  repeat, 

when  the  Chamber  and  Senate  are  to  unite  in  one  body  to  decide  what  the 
future  form  of  government  will  be,  and  to  revise  the  Constitution. 
*See  page  35. 
.  \  The  Restoration,  the  Orleans  monarchy,  and  the  second  Empire. 


Appendix  D.  349 

is  the  Republic,  not  of  the  republicans,  but  of  the  anti-repub- 
licans.    It  belongs  to  them  and  to  them  alone. 

What  is  the  explanation  of  this  misconduct  ?  Here  is  the 
answer,  which  I  have  heard  given  for  more  than  half  a  century: 
France  is  failing,  is  going  to  perish  ;  she  must  be  saved  !  Fatal 
idea,  forerunner  of  all  the  faults  of  governments  which  go 
mad  before  falling  to  pieces.  Alas  !  if  this  remark  were  true, 
how  many  times  would  not  France  have  already  perished  !  As 
often  as  she  has  been  in  trouble,  as  often  as  she  has  suffered, 
she  has  not  perished  ;  but  those  have  perished  who  pretended 
to  wish  to  save  her.  They  have  not  been  able  to  drag  her  down 
with  them  into  the  aoyss  ;  but  she  has  risen  up  by  the  aid  of 
honest  men,  who,  after  having  in  vain  warned  her  of  the  peril 
with  which  she  was  being  threatened,  have  done  all  in  their 
power  to  protect  her  from  it.  And,  in  this  connection,  I  pray 
the  true  conservatives,  the  honest  men  whom  I  do  not  confound 
with  the  sham  conservatives  who  have  the  floor  to-day, — I  pray 
them  to  recall  all  the  occasions  on  which  they  have  exclaimed  : 
France  is  in  danger,  let  us  save  her,  and  to  save  her,  let  us 
resist,  let  us  resist  ! 

Resistance  has  been  tried,  and  with  what  result  ?  Under 
Charles  X,  under  Louis-Philippe,  and  under  Napoleon  III  the 
cry  was  :  Let  us  resist.  What  was  asked  under  Charles  X  ? 
The  recognition  of  the  principle  that  4l-fe:KnTg  could  do  nothing 
without  the  Chamber,  that  is  to  say,  without  the  country.  A 
resistance,  culminating  in  the  famous  Ordinances,  was  kept  up. 
But  France  did  not  perish  ;  it  was  the  throne  of  Charles  X 
which  was  destroyed,  and  all  parliamentary  principles  were,  at 
the  same  time,  consecrated  by  the  Charter  of  1830.*  France 
suffered  without  doubt ;  but  she  soon  revived,  and  it  seemed  as 
though  her  prosperity  would  continue  a  long  time.  One  point, 
unfortunately,  had  been  overlooked.  The  suffrage  was  too 
restricted.  Two  hundred'thousand  voters  represented  a  popu- 
lation of  thirty-seven  million.  It  was  evident  to  everybody  that 
two  hundred  thousand  citizens  could  not  pretend  to  represent 
France  entire.  A  modest  reform,  which  would  make  thirty  or 
forty  thousand  more  voters,  was  demanded.  Immediately  was 
heard  the  cry  :  France  is  going  to  perish,  if  the  revolution 
which  is  threatening  be  not  resisted  !'  Resistance  was  made  : 
the  revolution  of  1848  broke  out ;  and  we  had  universal  suffrage, 

*  See  pages  48  and  49. 


35o  Life  of  T/ciers. 

that  is  to  say,  from  eight  to  nine  milHon  voters.  France,  how- 
ever, did  not  perish,  but  constitutional  monarchy,  which  might 
have  given  us  a  judicious  measure  of  hberty,  did  perish  ;  and 
France,  after  suffering — for  every  revolution  occasions  suffering 
— became  herself  again  and  passed  through  the  three  years  of 
agitation  and  disorder,  which  brought  her  to  Napoleon  III. 
He  acted  promptly,  and,  to  save  France,  took  away  all  our 
liberties  at  one  sweep.  The  Imperial  Constitution  of  1804  was 
re-estabhshed.  The  press  and  Parhament  were  both  muzzled. 
Every  year  the  budget  could  be  discussed  two  weeks  each  session, 
and  then  silence.  The  Emperor  alone  governed,  the  Emperor 
alone  !  Every  liberty  was  in  his  hands,  which,  in  spite  of  him- 
self, finally  had  to  open.  Every  liberty  escaped  from  him. 
This  would,  perhaps,  have  saved  him,  if  the  old  cry  had  not 
been  immediately  sounded  :  France  is  going  to  perish  !  Then 
he  instinctively  sought  in  war  a  refuge  from  regenerated  liberty. 
This  time,  indeed,  France  came  near  perishing.  She  was,  how- 
ever, only  dismembered.  She  was  obliged  to  yield  to  the  vic- 
torious enemy  an  enormous  portion  of  her  riches.  But  finally 
she  recovered  ;  and,  after  trying  to  re-establish  the  Absolute 
Monarchy,  she  founded  the  Republic. 

France  has  not  perished  ;  but  three  regimes  have  perished, 
and  France  has  been  subjected  to  cruel  trials,  before  she  finally 
attained,  after  three  attempts,  the  modern  democratic  form  of 
government.  She  has  made  continual  progress,  presenting  the 
grandest  spectacle  of  terror  or  admiration  to  the  world,  and 
always  showing  herself  worthy  of  the  world's  imitation. 

I  supplicate  those  honest  men,  those  very  honest  and  culti- 
vated men,  who  are  more  cultivated  than  well-informed  and 
who  are,  unfortunately,  very  timid, — I  supplicate  them  to  look 
at  this  picture  of  successive  disasters  and  to  reflect  upon  it. 

The  torrent — which  they  look  upon  as  evil  and  before  which 
they  cry  each  time,  that  France  is  going  to  perish,  that  resistance 
must  be  employed,  is  it  not  this  great  century  which  is  called 
the  nineteenth,  and  which  sweeps  all  humanity  along  with  it  ? 
Who  made  this  nineteenth  century  ?  Not  we,  no  more  than  we 
made  the  sixteenth,  whence  sprang  Bacon  and  Descartes,  that 
is  to  say,  modern  philosophy  ;  or  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
age  of  Pascal,  of  Bossuet,  of  Newton  and  of  Leibnitz  ;  or  the 
eighteenth,  which  produced  Montesquieu,  Voltaire,  Rousseau, 
the  great  Frederick  and  that  grand  French  philosophy,  which, 
applying  the  human  mind  to  the  study  of  the  laws  of  society. 


Appendix  D.  35 1 

destroyed  feudal  monarchies,  and  which,  applying  science  to 
the  welfare  of  man.  gave  to  Europe  and  the  two  worlds  ''  the 
rights  of  man, — "  not  the  equality  of  conditions  but  the  equality 
of  rights,  the  means  of  securing  the  equality  of  conditions  in  so 
far  as  possible  ;  which  freed  the  serfs  of  Russia,  the  negroes  of 
America,  which  gave  steam  to  man,  freedom  of  thought  and 
freedom  of  conscience  to  all  peoples  ;  which  opened  to  the 
vision  of  men  the  celestial  spheres,  and  revealed  to  Laplace  the 
secret  of  the  world's  system.  And  is  not  this  resistance  a  veri- 
table anachronism,  this  foolish  resistance  to  that  progress  by 
which  all  humanity  has  so  greatly  profited,  and  of  which  France 
had  the  honor  of  giving  the  signal  ?  for  she  has  marched,  the 
torch  of  genius  in  her  hand,  at  the  head  of  humanity. 

Would  it  not  be  well,  therefore,  after  so  many  downfalls,  tore- 
fleet,  to  ask  one's  self  and  to  inquire,  if  it  be  not  the  march  of 
humanity  that  is  feared,  if  it  be  not  this  that  is  foolishly  resisted  ? 
France  has  not  perished  ;  but  three  monarchies  have  perished. 
Their  debris  covers  the  ground  ;  their  heirs,  rising  up  again  and 
threatening  each  other,  wish  to  fight  over  the  ruins.  Let  us 
stop  them,  let  us  compel  them  to  support  the  Government  of  all, 
and  to  the  profit  of  all,  and  let  us  repeat  everywhere  this  truth  :* 

*  The  Jac-siinile  oi  Thiers's  handwriting,  given  at  the  commencement  of 
this  document, begins  here  and  goes  to  the  clause  :  "2.  The  Republic  is  the 
form  of  government,  etc," 

The  French  te.xl  of  the  facsimile  runs  as  follows  : 

"  La  monarchic  n'es'  pas  possible.  Elle  serait  la  guerre  civile,  ou  differee 
ou  immediate. 

".  Faisons  done  la  Republique,  la  Republique  honnete,  sage,  dit  conserva- 
trice,  qui  n'est  pas  impossible  ;  car  elle  commen9ait  quand  les  heritiers  in- 
tercsses  des  monarchies  detruites  sent  venus  la  troubler  et  faire  retentir  a  nos 
oreilles  des  menaces  insensees  et  criminelles  ;  et  vous,  electeurs,  a  ces  con- 
tempteurs  de  toute  verite,  faites  /c-wr  entendre  une  derniere  fois,  une  fois  de- 
cisive, les  verites  suivantes,  qui  seront  le  resultat  de  votre  vote  : 

"  La  nation  seule  est  souveraine." 

In  the  text,  as  published  in  the  Rt<publique  Fran^aise,  the  first  paragraph 
of  the  above  extract  reads  as  follows  : 

"  La  monarchic  n'est  pas  possible  ;  elle  aurait  pour  consequence  immedi- 
ate ou  prochaine  Ja  guerre  civile." 

In  the  second  ])aragraph,  the  two  words  printed  in  italics  do  not  occur. 

We  call  attention  to  these  little  discrepances,  because  Mignel,  in  his  intro- 
ductory note,  (see  the  beginning  of  Appendix  D,)  says,  speaking  of  this  letter 

of  Thiers  to  his  constituents  :  " he  (Thiers)  had  lime  to  review  the  first 

part  of  it.  The  remainder  needed  revision,  and  he  had  reserved  this  task 
for  the  day  that  took  him  from  us.  We  have  not  thought  it  best  to  make 
any  change  in  these  last  views  of  M.  Thiers."  ("  Nous  n'avons  voulu  faire 
aucune  modification  i  la  derniere  pensee  de  NL  Thiers.") 

The  reactionary  newspapers  of  Paris  pronounced  this  document  apocryphal 


3^2  Life  of  Thiers. 

The  Monarchy  is  not  possible  ;  it  would  have  for  its  immediate 
or  early  result,  civil  war.  Let  us  then  found  the  Republic,  the 
honest,  wise,  conservative  Republic,  which  is  not  impossible  ; 
for  it  began  when  the  interested  heirs  of  the  fallen  monarchies 
came  to  trouble  it,  and  to  make  our  ears  ring  with  insane  and 
criminal  threats.  And  you,  fellow  citizens,  by  your  votes,  make 
these  men  who  scorn  the  truth  listen  a  last  and  decisive  time  to 
the  following  truths  :  i.  The  nation  alone  is  sovereign.  2.  The 
Republic  is  the  form  of  government  by  means  of  which  the  nation 
exercises  its  sovereignty.  3.  The  sovereignty  is  exercised  by  an 
elective  chief  executive,  named  the  President  of  the  Republic, 
and  by  two  Chambers  acting  in  accordance  with  the  forms 
prescribed  by  the  Constitution.  4.  The  elective  chief  executive 
can  govern  only  with  the  co-operation  of  these  two  Chambers, 
and  ministers  approved  by  the  majority.  5.  The  co-operation 
of  one  Chamber  is  not  sufficient,  and  laws  and  subsidies  voted 
by  a  single  Chamber  are  absolutely  null  and  void.  6.  Taxes 
not  voted  by  both  Chambers  can  not  be  collected,  and  an 
attempt  to  levy  them  is  an  attack  on  the  Constitution,  on  the 
property  and  liberty  of  the  people.  7.  Incase  of  disagreement, 
attested  by  a  vote,  between  the  governing  powers,  and  especially 
between  the  President  and  the  elective  Chamber,  if  this  Chamber 
be  dissolved,  the  executive  power  is  bound  to  convoke  a  new 
one  with  the  least  possible  delay.  If  the  delay  be  protracted 
to  a  period  longer  than  is  absolutely  necessary,  the  spirit  of  the 
law  is  violated  ;  if  it  be  for  more  than  ninety  days,  the  text  of 
the  law  is  violated,  and  it  should  be  looked  upon  as  a  defiance 
of  the  Constitution.  8.  When  the  elections  have  been  regularly 
held,  the  contest  is  at  an  end  ;  and  resistance  to  the  will  of  the 
nation  is  resistance  to  the  Constitution  itself.  9.  A  new  disso- 
lution can  only  occur  after  a  session  which  gives  rise  to  new 
questions,  on  which  the  country  has  not  already  voted.  10.  Any- 
thing which  violates  the  prescriptive  rights  rigorously  deduced 
from  our  laws  and  Constitution,  is  an  act  of  usurpation  and  a  case 
of  culpability  provided  for  by  Article  19  of  the  Constitution. 
II.  A  free  ballot  is  an  essential  principle.  The  expression  of 
all  opinions  should  be  free,  and  every  act  which  hinders  this, 
by  abusing  the  laws  regulating  the  circulation  of  newspapers, 

when  it  was  about  to  be  published,  and  said  that  it  was  a  sharp  dodge  of  the 
republicans  to  influence  the  elections  then  close  at  hand.  This  statement 
was  even  cabled  to  America.  This  facsimile,  however,  gives  the  lie  to  the 
assertion  and  conclusively  proves  the  authenticity  of  the  document. 


Appendix  D.  363 

the  hawking  them  on  the  streets,  is  an  infringement  on  public 
rights.  The  daily  press,  the  railroads,  colportage,  bill-posting, 
belong  to  the  public.  Nobody  has  a  right  to  limit  the  freedom 
of  the  press  beyond  the  regulations  established  in  the  interest 
of  public  morals.  12.  As  regards  church  matters,  religious 
liberty  is  a  principle  of  the  French  nation.  Every  sect  rec- 
ognized by  the  State  should  be  projected,  properly  endowed, 
and  profoundly  respected,  but  should  be  strictly  prohibited 
from  interfering  in  State  affairs.  13.  French  policy  is  a  peace 
policy,  except  where  the  protection  of  national  interests  require 
a  resort  to  force,  and  after  the  solemn  decision  of  the  public 
powers. 

On  these  principles  has  been  based  the  nation's  policy  since 
1789.  France  wishes  to  continue  to  remain  faithful  to  them, 
and  it  is  important  that  you  consecrate  them  decisively  by  your 
suffrages.  It  is  the  only  wise  and  useful  end  that  the  nation 
ought  to  make  to  this  crisis,  and  it  may  be  briefly  summed  tip 
as  follows:  National  sovereignty,  the  Republic,  liberty,  scru- 
pulous regard  for  the  law,  religious  freedom,  and  peace. 

Such  are,  my  fellow  citizens,  the  opinions  of  my  whole  life, 
and  those  of  the  nineteenth  century,  which  will  distinguish  the 
history  of  France  and  of  humanity,  and  which  I  trust  you  will 
support  on  this  solemn  occasion.  A  thousand  calumnies  will 
be  cast  upon  me.  You  will  reply  to  them  by  your  votes,  which 
have  never  been  wanting  for  almost  half  a  century. 

A.  Thiers. 


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THIERS    (Louis    Adolphe)    Life     of.      By    Francois    Le    Goff, 
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Besides  the  biographical  narrative,  which  is  enlivened  by  many  fresh  anecdotes,  the 
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BRIEF  BIOGRAPHIES.  First  Series.  Contemporary  States- 
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Issued  uuder  the  title  of 

CURRENT   DISCUSSION, 

A  COLLECTION  FROM  THE  CHIEF  ENGLISH  ESSAYS  ON  QUESTIONS 
OF  THE  TIME. 

The  seiies  will  be  edited  by  Edward  L.  Burlingame,  and  is  designed  to 
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thinkers  of  the  day  submitting  their  results  at  once  to  the  great  public,  which  is 
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rather  than  in  the  old  form  of  monographs  reaching  the  special  student  only. 
As  a  consequence  there  are  subjects  of  the  deepest  present  and  permanent  in- 
terest, almost  all  of  whose  literature  exists  only  in  'he  shape  of  detached  papeis, 
individually  so  famous  that  their  topics  and  opinions  are  in  everybody's  mouth 
— yet  collectively  only  accessible,  for  re-reading  and  comparison,  to  those  who 
have  carefully  preserved  them,  or  who  are  painstaking  enough  to  study  lung 
files  of  periodicals. 

In  so  collecting  chese  separate  papers  as  to  give  the  reader  a  fair  if  not 
complete  view  of  the  discussions  in  which  they  form  a  part ;  to  make  tliem 
convenient  for  reference  in  the  future  progress  of  those  discussiors  ;  and  esi)eci- 
ally  to  enable  them  to  be  preserved  as  an  important  part  of  the  histoiy  of 
modern  thought, — it  is  believed  that  this  series  will  do  a  ser^'ice  that  will  be 
widely  appreciated. 

Such  papers  naturally  include  three  classes  : — those  which  by  their  originality 
have  recently  led  discussion  into  altogether  new  channels ;  those  which  have 
attracted  deserved  attention  as  powerful  special  pleas  upon  one  side  or  the 
other  in  great  current  questions  ;  and  finally,  purely  critical  and  analytical  dis- 
sertations. The  series  will  aim  to  include  the  best  representatives  of  each  of 
these  classes  of  expression. 


It  is  designed  to  arrange  the  essays  included  in  the  Series  under  such  gen- 
eral  divisions  as  the  following,  to  each  of  which  one  or  more  volumes  will  be 
devoted : — 

INTERNATIONAL  POLITICS,  NATURAL  SCIENCE. 

RECENT  ARCH^OLOGICAL  DISCOVERY, 

QUESTIONS  OF  BELIEF, 

ECONOMICAL  AND  SOCIAL  SCIENCE, 

HISTORY  AND  BIOGRAPHY,  LITERARY  TOPICS. 

Among  the  material  selected  for  the  first  volume  (International  Politics), 
which  will  be  issued  immediately,  are  the  following  papers  : 

Archibald  Forbes's  Essay  on  "The  Russians,  Turks,  and  Bul- 
garians;" Vsct.  Stratford  de  Redcliffe's  "Turkey;"  Mr.  Glad- 
stone's "Montenegro;"  Professor  Goldwin  Smith's  Paper  on  "The 
Political  Destiny  of  Canada,"  and  his  Essay  called  "  The  Slaveholder 
and  the  Turk;"  Professor  Blackie's  "Prussia  in  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury ;  "  Edward  Dicey's  "Future  of  Egypt;"  Louis  Kossuth's 
"What  is  in  Store  for  Europe;"  and  Professor  Freeman's  "Relation 
OF  the  English  People  to  the  War." 

Among  the  contents  of  the  second  volume  (Questions  of  Belief),  are : 

The  two  well-known  "Modern  Symposia;"  the  Discussion  by  Professor 
Huxley,  Mr.  Hutton,  Sir  J.  F.  Stephen,  Lord  Selborne,  James  Martin- 
eau,  Frederic  Harrison,  the  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  the  Duke  of  Argyll, 
and  others,  on  "  The  Influence  upon  Morality  of  a  Decline  in  a  Re- 
ligious Belief;  "  and  the  Discussion  byHuxLEY,  Hutton,  Lord  Blatchfokd, 
the  Hon.  Roden  Noel,  Lord  Selborne,  Canon  Barry,  Greg,  the  Rev. 
Baldwin  Brown,  Frederic  Harrison,  and  others,  on  "The  Soul  and 
Future  Life.  Also,  Professor  Calderwood's  "Ethical  Aspects  of  the 
Development  Theory  ;"  Mr.  G.  H.  Lewes's  Paper  on  "The  Course  of 
Modern  Thought;"  Thomas  Hughes  on  "The  Condition  and  Pros- 
spects  of  the  Church  of  England;"  W.  H.  Mallock's  "Is  Lini 
Worth  Living  ?  "  Frederic  Harrison's  "  The  Soul  and  Future  Life  ; ' 
and  the  Rev.  R.  F.  Littledale's  "  The  Pantheistic  Factor  in  Christian 
Thought." 

The  volumes  will  be  printed  in  a  handsome  crown  octavo  form,  and  wil 
sell  for  about  $i  50  each. 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS,  182  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

RENEWALS  ONLY— TEL.  NO.  642-^405 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 

Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall 


j«fc^ 


APR    5197Q 


MAY  1  8  1970  7  5 


REC'D  LD  JUN 


9  70  -SPM  4  9 


LD21A-60m-6,'69 
(J90968l0)476-A- 


jyctoium 


General  Library 

Uaivetsity  of  Califoroia 

Berkeley 


-MAE-?-49?^^AX: 


LD  21-100m-12,'43(8 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 

Mlilliiillll 


002106^373 


A5a.^95L 


T5L5 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CAUFORNIA  LIBRARY 


I 


